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The Mayflower Compact November 11, 1620 In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, France and Ireland king, defender of the faith, etc. having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape-Codd the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our sovereigne lord, King James, of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie-fourth. Anno Dom. 1620. John Carver William Bradford Edward Winslow William Brewster Issac Allerton Myles Standish John Alden Samuel Fuller Christopher Martin William Mullins William White Richard Warren John Howland Stephen Hopkins Edward Tilley John Tilley Francis Cooke Thomas Rogers Thomas Tinker John Rigdale Edward Fuller John Turner Francis Eaton James Chilton John Crackston John Billington Moses Fletcher John Goodman Degory Priest Thomas Williams Gilbert Winslow Edmund Margeson Peter Browne Richard Britteridge George Soule Richard Clarke Richard Gardiner John Allerton Thomas English Edward Dotey Edward Leister This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 2 William Bradford's transcription of the Compact (1646) Annotation: An agreement signed by the passengers of the Mayflower before they disembarked at Plymouth. Drafted primarily by the Pilgrims, it established a self-governing colony based on majority rule and mutual consent, with signers pledging to create “just and equal laws” for the good of the community. The Compact was significant because it represented one of the earliest forms of social contract in English North America, emphasizing collective governance, civic responsibility, and the principle that legitimate authority derives from the consent of the governed rather than from the Crown alone. Author: Signing the Mayflower Compact 1620 — Jean Leon Gerome Ferris 1899 Transcript Source: https://www.ushistory.org/documents//mayflower.htm

The Charter of New England November 3, 1620 Charter of New England JAMES, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. to all whom these Presents shall come, Greeting, Whereas, upon the humble Petition of divers of our well disposed Subjects, that intended to make several Plantations in the Parts of America, between the Degrees of thirty-ffoure and ffourty-five; We according to our princely Inclination, favouring much their worthy Disposition, in Hope thereby to advance the in Largement of Christian Religion, to the Glory of God Almighty, as also by that Meanes to streatch out the Bounds of our Dominions, and to replenish those Deserts with People governed by Lawes and Magistrates, for the peaceable Commerce of all, that in time to come shall have occasion to traffique into those Territoryes, granted unto Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Knights, Thomas Hanson, and Raleigh Gilbert, Esquires, and of their Associates, for the more speedy Accomplishment thereof, by our Letters-Pattent, bearing Date the Tenth Day of Aprill, in the Fourth Year of our Reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the ffourtieth, free Liberty to divide themselves into two several Collonyes; the one called the first Collonye, to be undertaken and advanced by certain Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, in and about our Cyty of London; the other called the Second Collonye, to be undertaken and advanced by certaine Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, and their associates, in and about our Citties of Bristol, Exon, and our Towne of Plymouth, and other Places, as in and by our said Letters-Pattents, amongst other Things more att large it doth and may appears. And whereas, since that Time, upon the humble Petition of the said Adventurers and Planters of the said first Collonye, We have been graciously pleased to make them one distinct and entire Body by themselves, giving unto them their distinct Lymitts and Bounds, and have upon their like humble Request, granted unto them divers Liberties, Priveliges, Enlargements, and Immunityes, as in and by our severall Letters-Patents it doth and may more at large appears. Now forasmuch as We have been in like Manner humbly petitioned unto by our trusty and well beloved Servant, Sir fferdinando Gorges, Knight, Captain of our ffort and Island by Plymouth, and by certain the principal Knights and Gentlemen Adventurers of the said Second Collonye, and by divers other Persons of Quality, who now intend to be their Associates, divers of which This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 2 Annotation: Granted by James I of England to the Plymouth Council for New England to authorize the colonization and governance of a large tract of territory in northeastern North America, roughly corresponding to present-day New England. It gave the Council the authority to establish settlements, govern the land, distribute property, and regulate trade with Indigenous peoples. The charter’s purpose was to formalize English claims in the region, encourage settlement, and promote economic development while consolidating control under a single corporate authority. It also provided the legal framework for the growth of the Plymouth and later Massachusetts Bay colonies, marking a key step in the organized colonization of New England. Author: James I Transcript Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/mass01.asp have been at great and extraordinary Charge, and sustained many Losses in seeking and discovering a Place fitt and convenient to lay the Foundation of a hopeful Plantation, and have divers Years past by God's Assistance, and their own endeavours, taken actual Possession of the Continent hereafter mentioned, in our Name and to our Use, as Sovereign Lord thereof, and have settled already some of our People in Places agreeable to their Desires in those Parts, and in Confidence of prosperous Success therein, by the Continuance of God's Devine Blessing, and our Royall Permission, have resolved in a more plentifull and effectual Manner to prosecute the same, and to that Purpose and Intent have desired of Us, for their better Encouragement and Satisfaction herein, and that they may avoide all Confusion, Questions, or Differences between themselves, and those of the said first Collonye, We would likewise be graciously pleased to make certaine Adventurers, intending to erect and. establish fishery, Trade, and Plantacion, within the Territoryes, Precincts, and Lymitts of the said second Colony, and their Successors, one several distinct and entire Body, and to grant unto them, such Estate, Liberties, Priveliges, Enlargements, and Immunityes there, as in these our Letters-Pattents hereafter particularly expressed and declared. And for asmuch as We have been certainly given to understand by divers of our good Subjects, that have for these many Years past frequented those Coasts and Territoryes, between the Degrees of Fourty and Fourty-Eight, that there is noe other the Subjects of any Christian King or State, by any Authority from their Soveraignes, Lords, or Princes, actually in Possession of any of the said Lands or Precincts, whereby any Right, Claim, Interest, or Title, may, might, or ought by that Meanes accrue, belong, or appertaine unto them, or any of them. And also for that We have been further given certainly to knowe, that within these late Yeares there hath by God's Visitation reigned a wonderfull Plague, together with many horrible Slaugthers, and Murthers, committed amoungst the Sauages and brutish People there, heertofore inhabiting, in a Manner to the utter Destruction, Deuastacion, and Depopulacion of that whole Territorye, so that there is not left for many Leagues together in a Manner, any that doe claime or challenge any Kind of Interests therein, nor any other Superiour Lord or Souveraigne to make Claime "hereunto, whereby We in our Judgment are persuaded and satisfied that the appointed Time is come in which Almighty God in his great Goodness and Bountie towards Us and our People, hath thought fitt and determined, that those large and goodly Territoryes, deserted as it were by their naturall Inhabitants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of our Subjects and People as heertofore have and hereafter shall by his Mercie and Favour, and by his Powerfull Arme, be directed and conducted thither. In Contemplacion and serious Consideracion whereof, Wee have thougt it fitt according to our Kingly Duty, soe much as in Us lyeth, to second and followe God's sacred Will, rendering reverend Thanks to his Divine Majestie for his gracious favour in laying open and revealing the same unto us, before any other Christian Prince or State, by which Meanes without Offence, and as We trust to his Glory, Wee may with Boldness goe on to the settling of soe hopefull a Work, which tendeth to the reducing and Conversion of such Sauages as remaine wandering in Desolacion and Distress, to Civil Societie and Christian Religion, to the Inlargement of our own Dominions, and the Aduancement of the Fortunes of such of our good Subjects as shall willingly intresse themselves in the said Imployment, to whom We cannot but give singular Commendations for their soe worthy Intention and Enterprize; Wee therefore, of our especiall Grace, mere Motion, and certaine Knowledge, by the Aduice of the Lords and others of our Priuy Councell have for Us, our Heyrs and Successors, graunted, ordained, and established, and in and by these Presents, Do for Us, our Heirs and Successors, grant, ordaine and establish, that all that Circuit, Continent, Precincts, and Limitts in America, lying and being in Breadth from Fourty Degrees of Northerly Latitude, from the Equnoctiall Line, to Fourty-eight Degrees of the said Northerly Latitude, and in length by all the Breadth aforesaid throughout the Maine Land, from Sea to Sea, with all the Seas, Rivers, Islands, Creekes, Inletts, Ports, and Havens, within the Degrees, Precincts and Limitts of the said Latitude and Longitude, shall be the Limitts; and Bounds, and Precints of the second Collony: And to the End that the said Territoryes may forever hereafter be more particularly and certainly known and distinguished, our Will and Pleasure is, that the sa.ne shall from henceforth be nominated, termed, and called by the Name of New-England, in America; and by that Name of New-England in America, the said Circuit, Precinct, Limitt, Continent, Islands, and Places in America, aforesaid, We do by these Presents, for Us, our Heyrs and Successors, name, call, erect, found and establish, and by that Name to have Continuance for ever. And for the better Plantacion, ruling, and governing of the aforesaid New-England, in America, We will, ordaine, constitute, assigne, limits and appoint, and for Us, our Heyrs and Successors, Wee, by the Advice of the Lords and others of the said priuie Councill, do by these Presents ordaine, constitute, limett, and appoint, that from henceforth, there shall be for ever hereafter, in our Towne of Plymouth, in the County of Devon, one Body politicque and corporate, which shall have perpetuall Succession, which shall consist of the Number of fourtie Persons, and no more, which shall be, and shall be called and knowne by the Name the Councill established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New-England, in America; and for that Purpose Wee have, at and by the Nomination and Request of the said Petitioners, granted, ordained, established, and confirmed; and by these Presents, for Us, our Heyres and Successors, doe grant, ordaine, establish, and confirme, our right trusty and right well beloved Cosins and Councillors Lodovick, Duke of Lenox, Lord Steward of our Houshold, George Lord Marquess Buckingham, our High Admiral of England, James Marquess Hamilton, William Earle of Pembrocke, Lord Chamberlaine of our Houshold, Thomas Earl of Arundel, and our right trusty and right well beloved Cosin, William Earl of hathe, and right trusty and right well beloved Cosin and Councellor, Henry Earle of Southampton, and our right trusty and right well beloved Cousins, William Earle of Salisbury, and Robert Earle of Warwick, and our right trusty and right well beloved John Viscount Haddington, and our right trusty and well beloved Councellor Edward Lord Zouch, Lord Warden of our Cincque Ports, and our trusty and well beloved Edmond Lord Sheffield, Edward Lord Gorges, and our well beloved Sir Edward Seymour, Knight and Barronett, Sir Robert Manselle, Sir Edward Zouch, our Knight Marshall, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir fferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John Brook, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgcombe, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick Hale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourchier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompesson, and Sir Thomas Wroth, Knights; and our well beloved Matthew Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, Robert Heath, Esq; Recorder of our Cittie of London, Henry Bourchier, John Drake, Rawleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hamon, and John Argall, Esquires, to be and in and by these Presents; We do appoint them to be the first modern and present Councill established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New-England, in America; and that they, and the Suruiuours of them, and such as the Suruluours and Suruinor of them shall, from tyme to tyme elect, and chuse, to make up the aforesaid Number of fourtie Persons, when, and as often as any of them, or any of their Successors shall happen to decease, or to be removed from being of the said Councill, shall be in, and by these Presents, incorporated to have a perpetual Succession for ever, in Deed, Fact, and Name, and shall be one Bodye corporate and politicque; and that those, and such said Persons, and their Successors, and such as shall be elected and chosen to succeed them as aforesaid, shall be, and by these Presents are, and be incorporated, named, and called by the Name of the Councill established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America; and them the said Duke of Lenox, Marquess Buckingham, Marquess Hamilton, Earle of Pembroke, Earle of Arundell, Earle of hathe, Earle of Southampton, Earle of Salisbury, Earle of Warwick, Viscount Haddington, Lord Zouch, Lord Sheffleld, Lord Gorges, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Robert Mansell, Sir Edward Zouch, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir fferdinando Gorges, Sir ffrancis Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgcombe, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourchier, Sir Nathaniell Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompesson, Sir Thomas Wroth, Knights; Matthew Suttcliffe, Robert Heath, Henry Bourchier, John Drake, Rawleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Haymon, and John Argall, Esqrs. and their successors, one Body corporate and politick, in Deed and Name, by the Name of the Councell established att Plymouth, in the County of Devon for the planting, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America. Wee do by these Presents, for Us, our Heyres and Successors, really and fully incorporate, erect, ordaine. name, constitute, and establish, and that by the same Name of the said Councill, they and their Successors for ever hereafter be incorporated, named, and called, and shall by the same Name have perpetual Succession. And further, Wee do hereby for Us, our Heires and Successors, grant unto the said Councill established aft Plymouth, that they and their Successors, by the same Name, be and shall be, and shall continue Persons able and capable in the Law, from time to time, and shall by that Name, of Councill aforesaid, have full Power and Authority, and lawful Capacity and Habilily, as well to purchase, take, hold, receive, enjoy, and to have, and their Successors for ever, any Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Royalties, Privileges, Immunities, Reversions, Annuities, Hereditaments, Goods, and Chattles whatsoever, of or from Us, our Heirs, and Successors, and of or from any other Person or Persons whatsoever, as well in and within this our Realme, of England, as in and within any other Place or Places whatsoever or wheresoever; and the same Manors, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods or Chattles, or any of them, by the same Name to alien and sell, or to do, execute, ordaine and performe all other Matters and Things whatsoever to the said Incorporation and Plantation concerning and-belonging. And further, our Will and Pleasure is, that the said Councill, for the time being, and their Successors, shall have full Power and lawful authority, by the Name aforesaid, to sue, and be sued; implead, and to be impleaded; answer, and to be answered, unto all Manner of Courts and Places that now are, or hereafter shall be, within this our Realme and elsewhere, as well temporal as spiritual, in all Manner of Suits and Matters whatsoever, and of what Nature or Kinde soever such Suite or Action be or shall be. And our Will and Pleasure is, that the said flourty Persons, or the greater Number of them, shall and may, from time to time, and at any time hereafter, at their owne Will and Pleasure, according to the Laws, Ordinances, and Orders of or by them, or by the greater Part of them, hereafter in Manner and forme in these Presents mentioned, to be agreed upon, to elect and choose amongst themselves one of the said dourty Persons for the Time being, to be President of the said Councill, which President soe elected and chosen, Wee will, shall continue and be President of the said Councill for so long a Time as by the Orders of the said Councill, from time to time to be made, as hereafter is mentioned, shall be thought fitt, and no longer; unto which President, or in his Absence, to any such Person as by the Order of the said Councill shall be thereunto appointed, Wee do give Authority to give Order for the warning of the said Council, and summoning the Company to their Meetings. And our Will and Pleasure is, that from time to time, when and so often as any of the Councill shall happen to decease, or to be removed from being of the said Councell, that then, and so often, the Survivors of them the said Councill, and no other, or the greater Number of them, who then shall be from time to time left and remaininge, and who shall, or the greater Number of which that shall be assembled at a public Court or Meeting to be held for the said Company, shall elect and choose one or more other Person or Persons to be of the said Councill, and which from time to time shall be of the said Councill, so that the Number of Bounty Persons of the said Councill may from time to time be supplied: Provided always that as well the Persons herein named to be of the said Councill, as every other Councellor hereafter to be elected, shall be prevented Lord Chancellor of England, or to the Lord High Treasurer of England, or to the Lord Chamberlaine of the Household of Us, our Heires and Successors for the Time being, to take his and their Oath and Oathes of a Councellor and Councellors to Us, our Heirs and Successors, for the said Company and Collonye in New-England. And further, Wee will and grant by these Presents, for Us, our Heires and Successors, unto the said Councill and their Successors, that they and their Successors shall have and enjoy for ever a Common Seale, to be engraver according to their Discretions; and that it shall be lawfull for them to appoint whatever Seale or Seales, they shall think most meete and necessary, either for their Use, as they are one united Body incorporate here, or for the publick of their Gouvernour and Ministers of New-England aforesaid, whereby the Incorporation may or shall scale any Manner of Instrument touching the same Corporation, and the Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, Annuities, Hereditaments, Goods, Chattles, Affaires, and any other Things belonging unto, or in any wise appertaininge, touching, or concerning the said Councill and their Successors, or concerning the said Corporation and plantation in and by these our Letters-Patents as aforesaid founded, erected, and established. And Wee do further by these Presents, for Us, our Heires and Successors, grant unto the said Councill and their Successors, that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said Councill, and their Successors for the Time being, in their discretions, from time to time to admits such and so many Person and Persons to be made free and enabled to trade traffick unto, within, and in New-England aforesaid, and unto every Part and Parcell thereof, or to have, possess, or enjoy, any Lands or Hereditaments in New-England aforesaid, as they shall think fitt, according to the Laws, Orders, Constitutions, and Ordinances, by the said Councill and their Successors from time to time to be made and established by Virtue of, and according to the true Intent of these Presents, and under such Conditions, Reservations, and agreements as the said Councill shall set downe, order and direct, and not otherwise. And further, of our especiall Grace, certaine Knowlege, and mere Motion, for Us, our Heires and Successors, Wee do by these Presents give and grant full Power and Authority to the said Councill and their Successors, that the said Councill for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, shall and may, from time to time, nominate, make, constitute, ordaine, and confirms by such Name or Names, Style or Styles, as to them shall seeme Good; and likewise to revoke, discharge, change, and alter, as well all and singular, Governors, Officers, and Ministers, which hereafter-shall be by them thought fill and needful to be made or used, as well to attend the Business of the said Company here, as for the Government of the said Collony and Plantation, and also to make, ordaine, and establish all Manner of Orders, Laws, Directions, Instructions, Forms, and Ceremonies of Government and Magistracy fitt and necessary for and concerning the Government of the said Collony and Plantation, so always as the same be not contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this our Realme of England, and the same att all Times hereafter to abrogate, revoke, or change, not only within the Precincts of the said Collony, but also upon the Seas in going and coming to and from the said Collony, as they in their good Discretions shall thinke to be fittest for the good of the Adenturers and Inhabitants there. And Wee do further of our especiall Grace, certaine Knowledge, and mere Motion, grant, declare, and ordain, that such principall Governor, as from time to time shall be authorized and appointed in Manner and Forme in these Presents heretofore expressed, shall haue full Power and Authority to use and exercise marshall Laws in Cases of Rebellion, Insurrection and Mutiny in as large and ample Manner as our Lieutenants in our Counties within our Realme of England have or ought to have by Force of their Commission of Lieutenancy. And for as much as it shall be necessary for all our lovinge Subjects as shall inhabit within the said Precincts of New-England aforesaid, to determine to live together in the Feare and true Worship of Allmighty God, Christian Peace, and civil Quietness, each with other, whereby every one may with more Safety, Pleasure, and Profist, enjoye that whereunto they shall attaine with great Pain and Perill, Wee, for Us, our Heires and Successors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these Presents do give and grant unto the said Council and their Successors, and to such Governors, Officers, and Ministers, as shall be by the said Councill constituted and appointed according to the Natures and Limitts of their Offices and Places respectively, that they shall and may, from time to time for ever heerafter, within the said Precincts of New-England, or in the Way by the Seas thither, and from thence have full and absolute Power and Authority to correct, punish, pardon, governe, and rule all such the Subjects of Us, our Heires and Successors, as shall from time to time adventure themselves in any Voyage thither, or that shall aft any Time heerafter inhabit in the Precincts or Territories of the said Collony as aforesaid, according to such Laws, Orders, Ordinances, Directions, and Instructions as by the said Councill aforesaid shall be established; and in Defect thereof, in Cases of Necessity, according to the good Discretions of the said Governors and Officers respectively, as well in Cases capital and criminal, as civill, both marine and others, so allways as the said Statutes, Ordinances, and Proceedings, as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Laws, Statutes, Government and Policie of this our Realme of England. And furthermore, if any Person or Persons,-Adventurers or Planters of the said Collony, or any other, aft any Time or Times heereafter, shall transport any Moneys, Goods, or Merchandizes, out of any of our Kingdoms, with a Pretence or Purpose to land, sell, or otherwise dispose of the same within the Limitts and Bounds of the said Collony, and yet nevertheless being att Sea, or after he hath landed within any Part of the said Collony shall carry the same into any other fforaigne Country with a Purpose there to sell and dispose thereof, that then all the Goods and Chattles of the said Person or Persons so offending and transported, together with the Ship or Vessell wherein such Transportation was made, shall be forfeited to Us, our Heires and Successors. And Wee do further of our especial Grace, certaine Knowledge, and meere Motion for Us, our Heirs and Successors for and in Respect of the Considerations aforesaid, and for divers other good Causes and Considerations, us thereunto especially moving, and by the Advice of the Lords and Others of our said Privy Councill have absolutely giuen, granted, and confirmed, and do by these Presents absolutely give, grant, and confirm unto the said Councill, called the Counceil established att Plymouth in the County of Devon for the planting, ruling, and governing of New-England in America, and unto their Successors for ever, all the aforesaid Lands and Grounds, Continent, Precinct, Place, Places and Territoryes, viz, the aforesaid Part of America, lying, and being in Breadth from ffourty Degrees of Northerly Latitude from the Equinoctiall Line, to ffourty-eight Degrees of the said Northerly Latitude inclusively, and in Length of, and within all the Breadth aforesaid, throughout the Maine Land from Sea to Sea, together also, with the Firme Lands, Soyles, Grounds Havens, Ports, Rivers, Waters, Fishings, Mines, and Mineralls, as well Royall Mines of Gold and Silver, as other Mine and Mineralls, precious Stones, Quarries, and all, and singular other Comodities, Jurisdictions, Royalties, Priveliges, Franchises, and Preheminences, both within the same Tract of Land upon the Maine, and also within the said Islands and Seas adjoining: Provided always, that the said Islands, or any of the Premises herein before mentioned, and by these Presents intended and meant to be granted, be not actually possessed or inhabited by any other Christian Prince or Estate, nor he within the Bounds, Limitts, or Territoryes, of that Southern Collony Heretofore by us granted to be planted by diverse of our loving Subjects in the South Parts, to have and to hold, possess and enjoy, all, and singular, the aforesaid Continent, Lands, Territoryes, Islands, Hereditaments and Precincts, Sea Waters, Fishings, with all, and all Manner their Commodities, Royalties, Liberties, Preheminences and Profitts, that shall arise from thence, with all and singular. their Appertenances, and every Part and Parcell thereof, and of them, to and unto the said Councell and their Successors and Assignes for ever, to the sole only and proper Use, Benefit and Behooffe of them the said Council and their Successors and Assignes for ever, to be holden of Us, our Heires, and Successors, as of our Manor of East-Greenwich, in our County of Kent, in free and common Soccage and not in in Capite, nor by Knight's Service; yielding and paying therefore to Us, our Heires, our Successors, the fifth Part, of the Ores of Gold and Silver, which from time to time, and aft all times hereafter, shall happen to be found, gotten, had, and obtained, in or within any the said Lands, Limitts, Territoryes, and Precincts, or in or within any Part or Parcell thereof, for, or in Respect of all, and all Manner of Dutys, Demands, and Services whatsoever, to be done, made, or paid to Us, our Heires, and Successors. And Wee do further of our especiall Grace, certaine Knowledge and meere Motion, for Us, and our Heires, and Successors, give and grant to the said Councell, and their Successors for ever by these Presents, that it shall be lawfull and free for them and their Assignes, att all and every time and times hereafter, out of our Realmes or Dominions whatsoever, to take, load, carry, and transport in, and into their Voyages, and for, and towards the said Plantation in New-England, all such and so many of our loveing Subjects, or any other Strangers that will become our loving Subjects, and live under our Allegiance, as shall willingly accompany them in the said Voyages and Plantation, with Shipping, Armour, Weapons, Ordinances, Munition, Shott, Victuals, and all Manner of Cloathing, Implements, Furniture, Beasts, Cattle, Horses, Mares, and all other Things necessary for the said Plantation, and for their Use and Defence, and for Trade with the People there, and in passing and returning to and fro, without paving or yielding, any Custom or Subsidie either inwards or outwards, to Us, our Heires, or Successors, for the same, for the Space of seven Years, from the Day of the Date of these Presents, provided, that none of the said Persons be such as shall be hereafter by special Name restrained by Us, our Heire, or Successors. And for their further Encouragement, of our especial Grace and Favor, Wee do by these Presents for Us, our Heires, and Successors, yield and grant, to and with the said Councill and their Successors, and every of them, their Factors and Assignes, that they and every of them, shall be free and quits from all Subsidies and Customes in NewEngland for the Space of seven Years, and from all Taxes and Impositions for the Space of twenty and one Yeares, upon all Goods and Merchandizes aft any time or times hereafter, either upon Importation thither, or Exportation from thence into our Realme of England, or into any our Dominions by the said Councill and their Successors their Deputies, Factors, and Assignes, or any of them, except only the five Pounds per Cent. due for Custome upon all such Goods and Merchandizes, as shall be brot and imported into our Realme of England, or any other of our Dominions, according to the ancient Trade of Marchants; which five Pounds per Cent. only being paid, it shall be thenceforth lawful and free for the said Adventurers, the same Goods and Merchandize to export and carry out of our said Dominions into fforraigne Parts, without any Custom, Tax, or other Duty to be paid to Us, our Heires, or Successors, or to any other Officers or Ministers of Us, our Heires, or Successors; provided, that the said Goods and Merchandizes be shipped out within thirteene Months after theire first Landing within any Part of those Dominions. And further our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee do by these Presents charge, comand, warrant, and authorize the said Councill, and their Successors, or the major Part of them, which shall be present and assembled for that Purpose, shall from time to time under their comon Seale, distribute, convey, assigne, and sett over, such particular Portions of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, as are by these Presents, formerly granted unto each our loveing Subjects, naturally borne or Denisons, or others, as well Adventurers as Planters, as by the said Company upon a Comission of Survey and. Distribution, executed and returned for that Purpose, shall be named, appointed, and allowed, wherein our Will and Pleasure is, that Respect be had as well to the Proportion of the Adventurers, as to the special Service, Hazard, Exploit, or Meritt of any Person so to be recompensed, advanced, or rewarded, and wee do also, for Us, our Heires, and Successors, grant to the said Councell and their Successors and to all and every such Governours, other Officers, or Ministers, as by the said Councill shall be appointed to have Power and Authority of Government and Command in and over the said Collony and Plantation, that they and every of them, shall, and lawfully may, from time to time, and aft all Times hereafter for ever, for their severall Defence and Safety, encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by Force of Arms, as well by Sea as by Land, and all Ways and Meanes whatsoever, all such Person and Persons, as without the speciall Licence of the said Councell and their Successors, or the greater Part of them, shall attempt to inhabitt within the said severall Precincts and Limitts of the said Collony and Plantation. And also all, and every such Person or Persons whatsoever, as shall enterprise or attempt att any time hereafter Destruction, Invasion, Detriment, or Annovance to the said Collony and Plantation; and that it shall be lawfull for the said Councill, and their Successors, and every of them, from Time to Time, and att all Times heereafter, and they shall have full Power and Authority, to take and surprize by all Ways and Means whatsoever, all and every such Person and Persons whatsoever, with their Ships, Goods, and other Furniture, trafficking in any Harbour, Creeke, or Place, within the Limitts and Precintes of the said Collony and Plantations, and not being allowed by the said Councill to be adventurers or Planters of the said Collony. And of our further Royall Favor, Wee have granted, and for Us, our Heires, and Successors, Wee do grant unto the said Councill and their Successors, that the said Territoryes, Lands, Rivers, and Places aforesaid, or any of them, shall not be visited, frequented, or traded unto, by any other of our Subjects, or the Subjects of Us, our Heires, or Successors, either from any the Ports and Havens belonging or appertayning, or which shall belong or appertayne unto Us, our Heires, or Successors, or to any forraigne State, Prince, or Pottentate whatsoever: And therefore, Wee do hereby for Us, our Heires, and Successors, charge, command, prohibit and forbid all the Subjects of Us, our Heires, and Successors, of what Degree and Quality soever, they be, that none of them, directly, or indirectly, presume to vissitt, frequent, trade, or adventure to traffick into, or from the said Territoryes, Lands, Rivers, and Places aforesaid, or any of them other than the said Councill and their Successors, Factors, Deputys, and Assignes, unless it be with the License and Consent of the said Councill and Company first had and obtained in Writing, under the comon Seal, upon Pain of our Indignation and Imprisonment of their Bodys during the Pleasure of Us, our Heires or Successors, and the Forfeiture and Loss both of theire Ships and Goods, wheresoever they shall be found either within any of our Kingdomes or Dominions, or any other Place or Places out of our Dominions. And for the better effecting of our said Pleasure heerein Wee do heereby for Us, our Heires and Successors, give and grant full Power and Authority unto the said Councill, and their Successors for the time being, that they by themselves, their Factors, Deputyes, or Assignes, shall and may from time to time, and at all times heereafter, attach, arrest, take, and seize all and all Manner of Ship and Ships, Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes whatsoever, which shall be bro't from or carried to the Places before mentioned, or any of them, contrary to our Will and Pleasure, before in these Presents expressed. The Moyety or one halfe of all which Forfeitures Wee do hereby for Us, our Heires and Successors, give and grant unto the said Councill, and their Successors to their own proper Use without Accompt, and the other Moyety, or halfe Part thereof, Wee will shall be and remaine to the Use of Us, our Heires and Successors. And we likewise have condiscended and granted, and by these Presents, for Us, our Heires and Successors, do condiscend, and grant to and with the said Councill and their Successors, that Wee, our Heires or Successors, shall not or will not give and grant any Lybertye, License, or Authority to any Person or Persons whatsoever, to saile, trade, or trafficke unto the aforesaid parts of New-England, without the good Will and Likinge of the said Councill, or the greater Part of them for the Time Hinge, let any their Courts to be assembled. And Wee do for us, our Heires and Successors, give and grant unto the said Councill, and their Successors, that whensoever, or so often as any Custome or Subsidie shall growe due or payable unto Us, our Heires or Successors, according to the Limitation and Appointment aforesaid by Reason of any Goods, Wares, Merchandizes, to be shipped out, or any Returne to be made of any Goods, Wares, or Merchandizes, unto or from New-England, or any the Lands Territoryes aforesaid, that then so often, and in such Case the ffarmers, Customers, and Officers of our Customes of England and Ireland, and every of them, for the Time being, upon Request made unto them by the said Councill, their Successors, Factors, or Assignes, and upon convenient Security to be given in that Behalfe, shall give and allowe unto the said Councill and their Successors, and to all Person and Persons free of the said Company as aforesaid, six Months Time for the Payment of the one halfe of all such Custome and Subsidie, as shall be due, and payable unto Us, our Heires and Successors for the same, for which these our Letterspattent, or the Duplicate, or the Enrolrnent thereof, shall be Onto our said Officers a sufficient Warrant and Discharge. Nevertheless, our Will and Pleasure is, that if any of the said Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes, which be, or shall be, aft any Time heereafter, ended and exported out of any of our Realmes aforesaid, and shall be shipped with a Purpose not to be carried to New-England aforesaid, that then such Payment, Duty, Custome, Imposition, or Forfieture, shall be paid and belong to Us, our Heires and Successors, for the said Goods, Wares, and Merchandices, so fraudulently sought to be transported, as if this our Grant had not been made nor granted: And Wee do for Us, our Heires and Successors, give and grant unto the said Councill and theire Successors for ever, by these Presents, that the said President of the said Company, or his Deputy for the Time being, or any two others of the said Councill, for the said Collony in New-England, for the Time beinge, shall and may, and aft all Times heereafter, and from time to time, have full Power and Authority, to minister and give the Oath and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, or either of them, to all and every Person and Persons, which shall aft any Time and Times heereafter, goe or pass to the said Collony in New-England. And further, that it shall be likewise-be lawful for the said President, or his Deputy for the Time being, or any two others of the said Councill for the said Collony of New-England for the Time being, from time to time, and aft all Times heerafter, to minister such a formal Oath, as by their Discretion shall be reasonably devised, as well unto any Person and Persons imployed or to be imployed in, for, or touching the said Plantation, for their honest, faithfull, and just Discharge of their Service, in all such Matters as shall be committed unto them for the Good and Benefist of the said Company, Collony, and Plantation, as also unto such other Person or Persons, as the said President or his Deputy, with two others of the said Councill, shall thinke meete for the Examination or clearing of the Truth in any Cause whatsoever, concerning the said Plantation, or any Business from thence proceeding, or "hereunto belonging. And to the End that now lewd or ill-disposed Persons, Saylors, Soldiers, Artificers, Labourers, Husbandmen, or others, which shall receive Wages, Apparel, or other Entertainment from the said Councill, or contract and agree with the said Councill to goe, and to serve, and to be imployed, in the said Plantation, in the Collony in NewEngland, do afterwards withdraw, hide, and conceale themselves, or refuse to go thither, after they have been so entertained and agreed withall; and that no Persons which shall be sent and imployed in the said Plantation, of the said Collony in New-England, upon the Charge of the said Councill, doe misbehave themselves by mutinous Seditions, or other notorious Misdemeanors, or which shall be imployed, or sent abroad by the Governour of New England or his Deputy, with any Shipp or Pinnace, for Provision for the said Collony, or for some Discovery, or other Business or Affaires concerninge the same, doe from thence either treacherously come back againe, or returne into the Realme of Englande by Stealth, or without Licence of the Governour of the said Collonv in New-England for the Time being, or be sent hither as Misdoers or Oflendors; and that none of those Persons after theire Returne from thence, being questioned by the said Councill heere, for such their Misdemeanors and Offences, do, by insolent and contemptuous Carriage in the Presence of the said Councill shew little Respect and Reverence, either to the Place or Authority in which we have placed and appointed them and others, for the clearing of their Lewdness and Misdemeanors committed in New-England, divulge vile and scandalous Reports of the Country of New-England, or of the Government or Estate of the said Plantation and Collonv, to bring the said Voyages and Plantation into Disgrace and Contempt, by Meanes whereof, not only the Adventurers and Planters already engaged in the said Plantation may be exceedingly abused and hindered, and a great number of our loveing and well-disposed Subjects, otherways well affected and inclined to joine and adventure in so noble a Christian and worthy Action may be discouraged from the same, but also the Enterprize itself may be overthrowne, which cannot miscarry without some Dishonour to Us and our Kingdome: Wee, therefore, for preventing so great and enormous Abuses and Misdemeanors, Do, by these Presents for Us, our Heires, and Successors, give and grant unto the said President or his Deputy, or such other Person or Persons, as by the Orders of the said Councill shall be appointed by Warrant under his or their Hand or Hands, to send for, or cause to-be apprehended, all and every such Person and Persons, who shall be noted, or accused, or found at any time or times hereafter to offend or misbehave themselves in any the Affaires before mentioned and expressed; and upon the Examination of any such Offender or Offenders, and just Proofe made by Oathe taken before the said Councill, of any such notorious Misdemeanours by them comitted as aforesaid, and also upon any insolent, contemptuous, or irreverent Carriage or Misbehaviour, to or against the said Councill, to be shewed or used by any such Person or Persons so called, convened, and appearing before them as aforesaid, that in all such Cases, our said Councill, or any two or more of them for the Time being, shall and may have full Power and Authority, either heere to bind them over with good Sureties for their good Behaviour, and further therein to proceed, to all Intents and Purposes as it is used in other like Cases within our Realme of England, or else at their Discretions to remand and send back the said offenders, or any of them, to the said Collony of New-England, there to be proceeded against and punished as the Governour's Deputy or Councill there for the Time being, shall think meete, or otherwise according to such Laws and Ordinances as are, and shall be, in Use there, for the well ordering and good Government of the said Collony. And our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee do hereby declare to all Christian Kings, Princes, and States, that if any Person or Persons which shall hereafter be of the said Collony or Plantation, or any other by License or Appointment of the said Councill, or their Successors, or otherwise, shall at any time or times heereafter, rob or spoil, by Sea or by Land, or do any Hurt, Violence, or unlawfull Hostillity to any of the Subjects of Us, our Heires, or Successors, or any of the Subjects of any King, Prince, Ruler, or Governour, or State, being then in League and Amity with Us, our Heires and Successors, and that upon such Injury, or upon just Complaint of such Prince, Ruler, Governour, or State, or their Subjects, Wee, our Heires, or Successors shall make open Proclamation within any of the Ports of our Realme of England commodious for that Purpose, that the Person or Persons having committed any such Robbery or Spoile, shall within the Term limited by such a Proclamation, make full Restitution or Satisfaction of all such Injuries done, so as the said Princes or other, so complaining, may hold themselves fully satisfied and contented. And if that the said Person or Persons having committed such Robery or Spoile, shall not make or cause to be made Satisfaction accordingly within such Terme so to be limited, that then it shall be lawful for Us, our Heires, and Successors, to put the said Person or Persons our of our Allegiance and Protection; and that it shall be lawful and free for all Princes to prosecute with Hostillity the said Offenders and every of them, their, and every of their Procurers, Aidors, Abettors, and Comforters in that Behalfe. Also, Wee do for Us, our Heires, and Successors, declare by these Presents, that all and every the Persons, beinge our Subjects, which shall goe and inhabitt within the said Collony and Plantation, and every of their Children and Posterity, which shall happen to be born within the Limitts thereof, shall have and enjoy all Liberties, and ffranchizes, and Immunities of free Denizens and naturall Subjects within any of our other Dominions, to all Intents and Purposes, as if they had been abidinge and born within this our Kingdome of England, or any other our Dominions. And lastly, because the principall Effect which we can desire or expect of this Action, is the Conversion and Reduction of the People in those Parts unto the true Worship of God and Christian Religion, in which Respect, Wee would be loath that any Person should be permitted to pass that Wee suspected to affect the Superstition of the Chh of Rome, Wee do hereby declare that it is our Will and Pleasure that none be permitted to pass, in any Voyage from time to time to be made into the said Country, but such as shall first have taken the Oathe of Supremacy; for which Purpose, Wee do by these Presents give full Power and Authority to the President of the said Councill, to tender and exhibit the said Oath to all such Persons as shall at any time be sent and imployed in the said Voyage. And Wee also for us, our Heires and Successors, do covenant and grant to and with the Councill, and their Successors, by these Presents, that if the Councill for the time being, and their Successors, or any of them, shall at any time or times heereafter, upon any Doubt which they shall conceive concerning the Strength or Validity in Law of this our present Grant, or be desirous to have the same renewed and confirmed by Us, our Heires and Successors, with Amendment of such Imperfections and Defects as shall appear fitt and necessary to the said Councill, or their Successors, to be reformed and amended on the Behalfe of Us, our Heires and Successors, and for the furthering of the Plantation and Government, or the Increase, continuing, and flourishing thereof, that then, upon the humble Petition of the said Councill for the time being, and their Successors, to us, our Heires and Successors, Wee, our Heires and Successors, shall and will forthwith make and pass under the Great Seall of England, to the said Councill and theire Successors, such further and better Assurance, of all and singular the Lands, Grounds, Royalties, Privileges, and Premisses aforesaid granted, or intended to be granted, according to our true Intent and Meaneing in these our Letters-patents, signified, declared, or mentioned, as by the learned Councill of Us, our Heires, and Successors, and of the said Company and theire Successors shall, in that Behalfe, be reasonably devised or advised. And further our Will and Pleasure is, that in all Questions and Doubts, that shall arise upon any Difficulty of Instruction or Interpretation of any Thing contained in these our Letters-pattents, the same shall be taken and Interpreted in most ample and beneficial Manner, for the said Council and theire Successors, and every Member thereof. And Wee do further for Us, our Heires and Successors, charge and comand all and singular Admirals, Vice-Admirals, Generals, Commanders, Captaines, Justices of Peace, Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs Constables, Customers, Comptrollers, Waiters, Searchers, and all the Officers of Us, our Heires and Successors, whatsoever to be from time to time, and att all times heereafter, in all Things aiding, helping, and assisting unto the said Councill, and their Successors, and unto every of them, upon Request and Requests by them to be made, in all Matters and Things, for the furtherance and Accomplishment of all or any the Matters and Things by Us, in and by these our Letters-pattents, given, granted, and provided, or by Us meant or intended to be given, granted, and provided, as they our said Officers, and the Officers of Us, our Heires and Successors, do tender our Pleasure, and will avoid the contrary att their Perills. And Wee also do by these Presents, ratifye and confirm unto the said Councill and their Successors, all Priveliges, Franchises, Liberties, Immunities granted in our said former Letters-patents, and not in these our Letters-patents revoked, altered, changed or abridged, altho' Expressed, Mentioned, &c. In Witness, &c. Witnes our selfe at Westminster, the Third Day of November, in the Eighteenth Yeare of our Reign over England, &c. Par Breve de Privato Sigillo, &c.

Grant of Exclusive Trade to New Netherland by the States-General of the United Netherlands October 11, 1614 Grant of Exclusive Trade to New Netherland by the States-General of the United Netherlands The States-General of the United Netherlands, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas Gerrit Jacobz Witssen, ancient Burgomaster of the city Amsterdam, Jonas Witssen, Simon Morrissen, owners of the ship named the Little Fox, whereof Jan de With has been skipper; Jans Hongers, Paulus Pelgrom, Lambrecht van Tweenhuyzen, owners of the two ships named the Tiger and the Fortune, whereof Aedriaen Block and Henrick Corstiaenssen were skippers; Arnolt van Lybergen, Wessel Schenck, Hans Claessen, and Berent Sweertssen, owners of the ship named the Nightingale, whereof Thys Volckertssen was skipper, merchants of the aforesaid city Amsterdam, and Pieter Clementssen Bronwer, Jan Clementssen Kies, and Cornelis Volckertssen, merchants of the city of Hoorn, owners of the ship named the Fortuyn, whereof Cornelis Jacobssen May was skipper, all now associated in one company, have respectfully represented to us that they, the petitioners, after great expenses and damages by loss of ships and other dangers, had, during the present year, discovered and found with the above named five ships certain new lands situate in America between New France and Virginia, the sea coast whereof lie between forty and forty-five degrees of latitude, and now called New Netherland. And whereas we did, in the month of March last, for the promotion and increase of commerce, cause to be published a certain general consent and charter setting forth that whosoever should thereafter discover new havens, lands, places, or passages might frequent or cause to be frequented, for four voyages, such newly discovered and found places, passages, havens, or lands to the exclusion of all others from visiting or frequenting the same from the United Netherlands until the said first discoverers and finders shall themselves have completed the said four voyages or cause the same to be done within the time prescribed for that purpose, under the penalties expressed in the said octroy, etc.; they request that we would accord to them due act of the aforesaid octroy in the usual form. Which, being considered, we, therefore, in our Assembly, having heard the pertinent report of the petitioners relative to the discoveries This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 2 Annotation: Granted by the States General of the Netherlands, the sovereign legislative body of the Dutch Republic. The charter was issued in the form of an octrooi (a trading patent or monopoly grant) to the New Netherland Company, a consortium of Amsterdam and Hoorn merchants involved in the fur trade along the Hudson River region. It granted the company an exclusive four-year monopoly on trade in the territory between approximately the 40th and 45th parallels of latitude, encompassing much of what later became New Netherland. Author: The Great Assembly of the States General in 1651 Transcript Source: Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/charter_011.asp and finding of the said new countries between the above named limits and degrees and also of their adventures, have consented and granted, and by these presents do consent and grant, to the said petitioners now united into one company that they shall be privileged exclusively to frequent or cause to be visited the above newly discovered lands, situate in America between New France and Virginia, whereof the sea coasts lie between the fortieth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude, now named New Netherland, as can be seen by a figurative map hereunto annexed, and that for four voyages within the term of three years, commencing the first of January, sixteen hundred and fifteen next ensuing, or sooner, without it being permitted to any other person from the United Netherlands, to sail to, navigate, or frequent the said newly discovered lands, havens, or places, either directly or indirectly within the said three years, on pain of confiscation of the vessel and cargo wherewith infraction hereof shall be attempted, and a fine of fifty thousand Netherland ducats for the benefit of said discoverers or finders; provided, nevertheless, that by these presents we do not intend to prejudice or diminish any of our former grants or charters. And it is also our intention that if any disputes or differences arise from these our concessions, they shall be decided by ourselves. We, therefore, expressly command all governors, justices, officers, magistrates, and inhabitants of the aforesaid united countries that they allow the said company peaceably and quietly to enjoy the whole benefit of this our grant and consent, ceasing all contradictions and obstacles to the contrary. For such we have found to appertain to the public service. Given under our seal, paraple, and signature of our Secretary at the Hague the 11th of October, 1614.

The Third Charter of Virginia; March 12, 1611 JAMES, by the Grace of God, King of England;, Scotland, France, and Ireland;, Defender of the Faith; To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting. WHEREAS at the humble Suit of divers and sundry our loving Subjects, as well Adventurers as Planters of the first Colony in Virginia, and for the Propagation of Christian Religion, and Reclaiming of People barbarous, to Civility and Humanity, We have, by our Letters-Patents, bearing Date at Westminster, the three-and-twentieth Day of May, in the seventh Year of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and the two-and-fortieth of Scotland, GIVEN and GRANTED unto them that they and all such and so many of our loving Subjects as should from time to time, for ever after, be joined with them as Planters or Adventurers in the said Plantation, and their Successors, for ever, should be one Body politick, incorporated by the Name of The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and; Planters of the city of London for the first Colony in Virginia; And whereas also for the greater Good and Benefit of the said Company, and for the better Furtherance, Strengthening, and Establishing of the said Plantation, we did further GIVE, GRANT and CONFIRM, by our Letters-Patents unto the said Company and their Successors, for ever, all those Lands, Countries or Territories, situate, lying and being in that Part of America called Virginia, from the Point of Land called Gape or Point Comfort all along the Sea Coasts to the Northward two hundred Miles; and from the said Point of Cape Comfort all along the Sea Coast to the Southward two hundred Miles; and all that Space and Circuit of Land lying from the Sea Coast of the Precinct aforesaid, up into the Land throughout from Sea to Sea West and North-west; and also all the Islands lying within one hundred Miles along the Coast of both the Seas of the Precinct aforesaid; with divers other Grants, Liberties, Franchises and Preheminences, Privileges, Profits, Benefits, and Commodities granted in and by our said Letters-patents to the said Treasurer and Company and their Successors for ever. Now forasmuch as we are given to understand, that in those Seas adjoining to the said Coasts of Virginia, and without the Compass of those two hundred Miles by Us so granted unto the said Treasurer and Company as aforesaid, and yet not far distant from the said Colony in Virginia, there are or may be divers Islands lying desolate and uninhabited, some of which are already made known and discovered by the Industry, Travel, and Expences of the said Company, and others also are supposed to be and remain as yet unknown and undiscovered, all and every of which it may import the said Colony both in Safety and Policy of Trade to populate and plant; in Regard whereof, as well for the preventing of Peril, as for the better Commodity of the said Colony, they have been humble suitors unto Us, that We would be pleased to grant unto them an Enlargement of our said former Letters-patents, as well for a more ample Extent of their Limits and Territories into the Seas adjoining to and upon the Coast of Virginia, as also for some other Matters and Articles concerning the better government of the said Company and Colony, in which Point our said former Letters-Patents do not extend so far as Time and Experience hath found to be needful and convenient: We therefore tendering the good and happy Success of the said Plantation, both in Regard of the General Weal of human Society, as in Respect of the Good of our own Estate and Kingdoms, and being willing to give Furtherance unto all good Means that may advance the Benefit of the said Company, and which may secure the Safety of our loving Subjects planted in our said Colony, under the Favour and Protection of God Almighty, and of our Royal Power and Authority, have therefore of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, given, granted, and confirmed, and for Us, our Heirs and Successors, we do by these Presents give, grant, and confirm to the said Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the city of London for the first Colony in Virginia, and to their Heirs and Successors for ever, all and singular those Islands whatsoever situate and being in any Part of the Ocean Seas bordering upon the Coast of our said first Colony in Virginia, and being within three Hundred Leagues of any of the Parts heretofore granted to the said Treasurer and Company in our said former Letters-Patents as aforesaid, and being within or between the one-and-fortieth and thirtieth Degrees of Northerly Latitude; together with all and singular Soils, Lands, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Waters, Fishings, Mines and Minerals, as well Royal Mines of Gold and Silver, as other Mines and Minerals, Pearls, precious Stones, Quarries, and all and singular other Commodities, Jurisdictions, Royalties, Privileges, Franchises, and Preheminences, both within the said Tract of Land upon the Main, and also within the said Islands and Seas adjoining whatsoever and thereunto or thereabouts, both by Sea and Land being or situate; And which, by our Letters-Patents we may or can grant, and in as ample Manner as We or any our noble Progenitors have heretofore granted to any Person or Persons, or to any Company, Body Politick or corporate, or to any Adventurer or Adventurers, Undertaker or Undertakers of any Discoveries, Plantations, or Traffick, of, in, or into any foreign Parts whatsoever, and in as large and ample Manner as if the same were herein particularly named, mentioned, and expressed. Provided always, that the said Islands or any Premises herein mentioned, or by these Presents intended or meant to be granted, be not actually possessed or inhabited by any other Christian Prince or Estate, nor be within the Bounds, Limits, or Territories of the Northern Colony heretofore by Us granted to be planted by divers of our loving Subjects in the North Parts of Virginia. To HAVE AND TO HOLD, possess and enjoy, all and singular the said Islands in the said Ocean Seas so lying and bordering upon the Coast and Coasts of the Territories of the said first Colony in Virginia, as aforesaid. With all and singular the said Soils, Lands, Grounds, and all and singular other the Premises heretofore by these Presents granted or mentioned to be granted to them, the said Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of London for the first Colony in Virginia, and to their Heirs; Successors, and Assigns, for ever, to the sole and proper Use and Behoof of them the said Treasurer and Company, and their Heirs and Successors and Assigns, for ever; TO BE HOLDEN OF US, our Heirs and Successors, as of our Manor of East-Greenwich, in Free and common Soccage, and not in Capite; YIELDING AND PAYING therefore to Us, our Heirs and Successors, the fifth Part of the Ore of all Gold and Silver which shall be there gotten, had, or obtained for all Manner of Services whatsoever. And further, Our Will and Pleasure is, and We do by these Presents, GRANT AND CONFIRM, for the Good and Welfare of the said Plantation, and that Posterity may hereafter know who have adventured and not been sparing of their Purses in such a noble and generous Action for the general Good of their Country, and at the Request and with the Consent of the Company aforesaid, that Our trusty and wellbeloved Subjects George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, latency, Earl of Huntington, Edward Earl of Bedford, Richard Earl of Clanrichard, &c. who since Our said last Letters-Patents are become Adventurers, and have joined themselves with the former Adventurers and Planters of the said Company and Society, shall from henceforth be reputed, deemed, and taken to be, and shall be Brethren and free Members of the Company; and shall and may respectively, and according to the Proportion and Value of their several Adventures, HAVE, HOLD, and ENJOY, all such Interest, Right, Title, Privileges, Preheminences, Liberties, Franchises, Immunities, Profits, and Commodities, whatsoever, in as large and ample and beneficial Manner, to all Intents, Constructions, and Purposes, as any other Adventures nominated and expressed in any our former Letters-Patents, or any of them have or may have by Force and Virtue of these Presents, or any our former Letters-Patents whatsoever. And We are further pleased, and We do by these Presents GRANT and CONFIRM, that Philip Earl of Montgomery, William Lord Paget, sir John Starrington, Knt. &c. whom the said Treasurer and Company have since the said last Letters-Patents nominated and set down as worthy and discreet Persons fit to serve Us as Counsellors, to be of our Council for the said Plantation, shall be reputed deemed, and taken as Persons of our said Council for the said first colony, in such Manner and Sort, to all Intents and Purposes, as those who have been formerly elected and nominated as our Counsellors for that Colony, and whose Names have been, or are inserted and expressed in our said former Letters-Patents. And we do hereby ordain and grant by these Presents, that the said Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters aforesaid, shall and may, once every week, or oftener, at their Pleasure, hold, and keep a Court and Assembly for the better Order and Government of the said Plantation, and such Things as shall concern the same; And that any five Persons of our Council for the said first Colony in Virginia, for the Time being, of which Company the Treasure, or his Deputy, to be always one, and the Number of fifteen others, at the least, of the Generality of the said Company, assembled together in such Manner, as is and hath been heretofore used and accustomed, shalt be said, taken, held, and reputed to be, and shall be a sufficient Court of the said Company, for the handling and ordering, and dispatching of all such casual and particular Occurrences, and accidental Matters, of less Consequence and Weight, as shall from Time to Time happen, touching and concerning the said Plantation. And that nevertheless, for the handling, ordering, and disposing of Matters and Affairs of greater Weight and Importance, and such as shall or may, in any Sort, concern the Weal Publick and general Good of the said Company and Plantation, as namely, the Manner of Government from Time to Time to be used, the ordering and Disposing of the Lands and Possessions, and the settling and establishing of a Trade there, or such like, there shall be held and kept every Year, upon the last Wednesday, save one, of Hillary Term, Easter, Trinity, and Michaelmas Terms, for ever, one great, general, and solemn Assembly, which four Assemblies shall be stiled and called, The four Great and General Courts of the Council and Company of Adventurers for Virginia; In all and every of which said Great and General Courts, so assembled, our Will and Pleasure is, and we do, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, for ever, Give and Grant to the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors for ever, by these Presents, that they, the said Treasurer and Company, or the greater Number of them, so assembled, shall and may have full Power and Authority, from Time to Time, and at all Times hereafter, to elect and chuse discreet Persons, to be of our said Council for the said first Colony in Virginia, and to nominate and appoint such Officers as they shall think fit and requisite, for the Government, managing, ordering, and dispatching of the Affairs of the said Company; And shall likewise have full Power and Authority, to ordain and make such Laws and Ordinances, for the Good and Welfare of the said Plantation, as to them from Time to Time, shall be thought requisite and meet: So always, as the same be not contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this our Realm of England; And shall, in like Manner, have Power and Authority, to expulse, disfranchise, and put out of and from their said Company and Society for ever, all and every such Person and Persons, as having either promised or subscribed their Names to become Adventurers to the said Plantation, of the said first Colony in Virginia, or having been nominated for Adventurers in these or any other our Letters-Patents, or having been otherwise admitted and nominated to be of the said Company, have nevertheless either not put in any adventure at all for and towards the said Plantation, or else have refused or neglected, or shall refuse and neglect to bring in his or their Adventure, by Word or Writing, promised within six Months after the same shall be so payable and due. And whereas, the Failing and not Payment of such Monies as have been promised in Adventure, for the Advancement of the said Plantation, hath been often by Experience found to be dangerous and prejudicial to the same, and much to have hindered the Progress and Proceeding of the said Plantation, and for that it seemeth unto Us a Thing reasonable, that such Persons, as by their Hand Writing have engaged themselves for the Payment of their Adventures and afterwards neglecting their Faith and Promise, should be compelled to make good and keep the same: Therefore, Our Will and Pleasure is, that in any Suit or Suits commenced, or to be commenced in any of our Courts at Westminister, or elsewhere, by the said Treasurer and Company, or otherwise against any such persons, that our Judges for the Time being, both in our Court of Chancery, and at the Common Pleas do favour and further the said Suits so far forth as Law and Equity will in any wise further and permit. And We do, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, further give and grant to the said Treasurer and Company, or their Successors forever, that the said Treasurer and Company, or the greater Part of them for the Time being, so in a full and general Court assembled as aforesaid, shall and may from Time to Time, and at all times forever hereafter, elect choose and admit into their Company, and Society, any Person or Persons, as well Strangers and Aliens born in any Part beyond the Seas wheresoever, being in Amity with us, as our natural Liege Subjects born in any our Realms and Dominions: And that all such Persons so elected, chosen, and admitted to be of the said Company as aforesaid, shall thereupon be taken, reputed, and held, and shall be free Members of the said Company, and shall have, hold, and enjoy all and singular Freedoms, Liberties, Franchises, Privileges, Immunities, Benefits, Profits, and Commodities whatsoever, to the said Company in any Sort belonging or appertaining, as fully, freely and amply as any other Adventurers now being, or which hereafter at any Time shall be of the said Company, hash, have, shall, may, might, or ought to have and enjoy the same to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever. And We do further of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, give and grant unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Sucessors for ever, by these Presents, that it shall be lawful and free for them and their Assigns, at all and every Time and Times hereafter, out of any our Realms and Dominions whatsoever, to take, lead, carry, and transport in and into the said Voyage, and for and towards the said Plantation of our said first Colony in Virginia, all such and so many of our loving Subjects, or any other Strangers that will become our loving Subjects, and live under our Allegiance, as shall willingly accompany them in the said Voyages and Plantation, with Shipping, Armour, Weapons, Ordnance, Munition, Powder, Shot, Victuals, and all Manner of Merchandises and Wares, and all Manner of Clothing, Implements, Furniture, Beasts, Cattle, Horses, Mares, and all other Things necessary for the said Plantation, and for their Use and Defence, and for Trade with the People there, and in passing and returning to and from, without paying or yielding any Subsidy, Custom, or Imposition, either inward or outward, or any other Duty to Us, our Heirs and Successors, for the same, for the Space of Seven Years from the Date of these Presents. And We do further, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, give and grant to the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors forever, by these Presents, that the said Treasurer of that Company, or his Deputy for the Time being, or any two other of the said Council, for the said first Colony in Virginia, for the Time being, or any two other at all Times hereafter, and from Time to Time, have full Power and authority to minister and give the Oath and Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, or either of them, to all and every Person and Persons, which shall at any Time or Times hereafter, go or pass to the said Colony in Virginia: And further, that it shall be lawful likewise for the said Treasurer, or his Deputy for the Time being, or any two or others of our said Council, for the said first Colony in Virginia, for the Time being, from Time to Time, and at all Times hereafter to minister such a formal Oath, as by their discretion shall be reasonably devised, as well unto any Person or Persons employed in, for, or touching the said Plantation, for their honest, faithful and just Discharge of their Service in all such Matters as shall be committed unto them, for the Good and Benefit of the said Company, Colony and Plantation; As also unto such other Person or Persons as the said Treasurer, or his Deputy, with two others of the said Council shall think meet, for the Examination or clearing of the Truth, in any Cause whatsoever, concerning the said Plantation, or any Business from thence proceeding, or thereunto belonging. And furthermore, whereas We have been certified, That divers lewd and ill disposed Persons, both Sailors, Soldiers, Artificers, Husbandmen, Labourers and others, having received Wages, Apparel and other Entertainment, from the said Company, or having contracted and agreed with the said Company to go, or to serve, or to be employed in the said Plantation of the said first Colony in Virginia, have afterwards either withdrawn, hid, or concealed themselves, or have refused to go thither, after they have been so entertained and agreed withal: And that divers and sundry Persons also, which have been sent and employed in the said Plantation of the said first Colony in Virginia, at and upon the Charge of the said Company, and having there misbehaved themselves by Mutinies, Sedition, or other notorious Misdemeanors, or having been employed or sent abroad by the Governor of Virginia, or his Deputy, with some Ship or Pinnace, for our Provision of the said Colony, or for some Discovery, or other Business and All airs concerning the same, have from thence most treacherously either come back again, and returned into our Realm of England, by Stealth, or without Licence of our Governor of our said Colony in Virginia, for the Time being, or have been sent thither as Misdoers and Offenders: And that many also of those Persons after their Return from thence, having been questioned by our Council here, for such their Misbehaviors and Offences, by their Insolent and Contemptuous Carriage in the Presence of our said Council, have showed little Respect and Reverence either to the Place or Authority in which we have placed and appointed them; And others for the colouring of their Lewdness and Misdemeanors committed in Virginia, have endeavoured by most vile and slanderous Reports made and divulged, as well of the Country of Virginia, as also of the Government and Estate of the said Plantation and Colony, as much as in them lay, to bring the said Voyage and Plantation into Disgrace and Contempt: By Means whereof, not only the Adventurers and Planters already engaged in the said Plantation, have been exceedingly abused and hindered, and a great Number of other, our loving and well-disposed Subjects, otherwise well affected and inclined to join and adventure in so noble, Christian, and worthy an Action, have been discouraged from the same; but also the utter overthrow and Ruin of the said Enterprise hath been greatly endangered, which cannot miscarry without some Dishonour to Us, and our Kingdom. Now, forasmuch as it appeareth unto us, that these Insolences, Misdemeanors, and Abuses, not to be tolerated in any civil Government. have, for the most part, grown and proceeded, in regard our said Council have not any direct Power and Authority, by any express Words in our former Letters-patents, to correct and chastise such Offenders; We therefore, for more speedy Reformation of so great and enormous Abuses and Misdemeanors heretofore practiced and committed, and for the preventing of the like hereafter, do by these Presents for Us, our Heirs, and Successors, GIVE and GRANT, to the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors for ever, that it shall, and may be lawful for our said Council for the first Colony in Virginia, or any two of them (whereof the said Treasurer or his Deputy for the Time being, to be always one) by Warrant under their Hands, to send for, or cause to be apprehended, all, and every such Person or Persons, who shall be noted, or accused, or found at any Time or Times hereafter, to offend or misbehave themselves, in any the Offences before mentioned and expressed, and upon the Examination of any such Offender or Offenders, and just Proof made by Oath, taken before the said Council, of any such notorious Misdemeanors by them committed as aforesaid; And also upon any insolent and contemptuous, or indecent Carriage and Misbehaviour, to, or against, any our said Council, showed or used by any such Person or Persons so called, converted, and appearing before them as aforesaid; That in all such cases, they our said Council, or any two of them for the time being, shall, and may have full Power and Authority, either here to bind them over with good Sureties for their good Behaviour, and further therein, to proceed to all Intents and Purposes as it is used in other like Cases, within our Realm of England; Or else, at their Discretions, to remand and send back the said Offenders, or any of them, unto the said Colony in Virginia, there to be proceeded against and punished, as the Governor, Deputy or Council there, for the Time being, shall think meet; Or otherwise, according to such Laws and Ordinances, as are and shall be in Use there, for the well-ordering and good Government of the said Colony. Ancl for the more effectual Advancing of the said Plantation. We do further, for Us, our Heirs, and Successors, of our especial Grace and Favour, by Virtue of our Prerogative Royal, and by the Assent and Consent of the Lords and others of our Privy Council, GIVE and GRANT, unto the said Treasurer and Company, full Power and Authority, free Leave, Liberty, and Licence, to set forth, erect, and publish, one or more Lottery or Lotteries, to have Continuance, and to endure and be held, for the Space of one whole Year, next after the opening of the same; And after the End and Expiration of the said Term, the said Lottery or Lotteries to continue and be further kept, during our Will and Pleasure only, and not otherwise. And yet nevertheless, we are contented and pleased, for the Good and Welfare of the said Plantation, that the said Treasurer and Company shall, for the Dispatch and Finishing of the said Lottery or Lotteries, have six Months Warning after the said Year ended, before our Will and Pleasure shall, for and on that Behalf, be construed, deemed, and adjudged, to be in any wise altered and determined. And our further Will and Pleasure is, that the said Lottery and Lotteries shall and may be opened and held, within our City of London, or in any other City or Town, or elsewhere, within this our Realm of England, with such Prizes, Articles, Conditions, and Limitations, as to them, the said Treasurer and Company, in their Discretions, shall seem convenient: And it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Treasurer and Company, to elect and choose Receivers, Surveyors, Auditors, Commissioners, or any other Officers whatsoever, at their Will and Pleasure, for the better marshalling, disposing, guiding, and governing of the said Lottery and Lotteries; And that it shall likewise be lawful, to and for the said Treasurer and any two of the said Council, to minister to all and every such Person, so elected and chosen for Offices, as aforesaid, one or more Oaths, for their good Behaviour, just and true Dealing, in and about the said Lottery or Lotteries, to the Intent and Purpose, that none of our loving Subjects, putting in their Names, or otherwise adventuring in the said general Lottery or Lotteries, may be, in any wise, defrauded and deceived of their said Monies, or evil and indirectly dealt withal in their said Adventures. And we further GRANT, in Manner and Form aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Treasurer and Company, under the Seal of our said Council for the Plantation, to publish; or to cause and procure to be published by Proclamation, or otherwise (the said Proclamation to be made in their Name, by Virtue of these Presents) the said Lottery or Lotteries, in all Cities, Towns _______ Burroughs,        and other Places, within our said Realm of England; And we Will and Command all Mayors, Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Bailliffs, Constables, and other Officers and loving Subjects, whatsoever, that in no wise, they hinder or delay the Progress and Proceedings of the said Lottery or Lotteries, but be therein, touching the Premises, aiding and assisting, by all honest, good, and lawful Means and Endeavours. And further, our Will and Pleasure is, that in all Questions and Doubts, that shall arise, upon any Difficulty of Construction or Interpretation of any Thing, contained in these, or any other our former Letters-patent, the same shall be taken and interpreted, in most ample and beneficial Manner for the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and every Member thereof. And lastly, we do, by these Presents, RATIFY AND CONFIRM unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, for ever, all and all Manner of Privileges, Franchises, Liberties, Immunities, Preheminences, Profits, and Commodities, whatsoever, granted unto them in any our former Letters-patent, and not in these Presents revoked altered, changed, or abridged. Although express Mention of the true Yearly Value or Certainty of the Premises, or any of them, or of any other Gift or Grant, by Us or any our Progenitors or Predecessors, to the aforesaid Treasurer and Company heretofore made in these Presents is not made; Or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or Restraint, to the contrary thereof heretofore made, ordered, or provided, or any other Matter, Cause, or Thing, whatsoever, to the contrary, in any wise, notwithstanding. IN WITNESS whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Witness Ourself, at Westminster, the twelfth Day of March, in the ninth Year of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the five and fortieth. Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/va03.asp

The Second Charter of Virginia May 23, 1609 JAMES, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France. and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all, to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting. WHEREAS, at the humble Suit and Request of sundry our loving and well-disposed Subjects, intending to deduce a Colony, and to make Habitation and Plantation of sundry our People in that Part of America, commonly called VIRGINIA, and other Parts and Territories in America, either appertaining unto Us, or which are not actually possessed of any Christian Prince or People, within certain Bounds and Regions, We have formerly, by our Letters-patents, bearing Date the tenth Day of April, in the fourth Year of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the nine and thirtieth, GRANTED to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and others, for the more speedy Accomplishment of the said Plantation and Habitation that they should divide themselves into two Colonies (the one consisting of divers Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and others, of our City of London, called the FIRST COLONY; And the other consisting of divers Knights, Gentlemen, and others, of our Cities of Bristol, Exeter, and Town of Plimouth, and other Places, called the SECOND COLONY). And have yielded and granted in any and sundry Privileges and Liberties to each Colony, for their quiet settling and good Government therein, as by the said Letters patents more at large appeareth: Now, forasmuch as divers and sundry of our loving Subjects, as well Adventurers, as Planters, of the said first Colony, which have already engaged themselves in furthering the Business of the said Colony and Plantation, and do further intend, by the Assistance of Almighty God, to prosecute the same to a happy End, have of late been humble Suitors unto Us, that (in Respect of their great Charges and the Adventure of many of their Lives, which they have hazarded in the said Discovery and Plantation of the said Country) We should be pleased to grant them a further Enlargement and Explanation of the said Grant, Privileges, and Liberties, and that such Counsellors, and other Officers, may be appointed amongst them, to manage and direct their Affairs, as are willing and ready to adventure with them, as also whose Dwellings are not so far remote from the City of London, but they may, at convenient Times, be ready at Hand, to give their Advice and Assistance, upon all Occasions requisite. We greatly affecting the effectual Prosecution and happy success of the said Plantation, and commending their good desires therein, for their further Encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a Work, much pleasing to God, and profitable to our Kingdom, do of our especial Grace, and certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, for Us, our Heirs, and Successors, GIVE, GRANT, and CONFIRM, to our trusty and well beloved Subjects, Robert, Earl of Salisbury, Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, Henry, Earl of Southampton, William, Earl of Pembroke, Henry, Earl of Lincoln, Earl of Dorset, Thomas, Earl of Exeter, Philip, Earl of Montgomery, Robert, Lord Viscount Lisle, Theophilus, Lord Howard of Walden, James Montague, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, Edward, Lord Zouche, Thomas, Lord Lawarr, William, Lord Mounteagle, Ralph, Lord Ewre, Edmond, Lord Sheffield, Grey, Lord Chandois, Lord Compton, John, Lord Petre, John, Lord Stanhope, George, Lord Carew, Sir Humphry Weld, Lord Mayor of London, George Piercy, Esq. Sir Edward Cecil, Knt. Sir George Wharton, Knt. Francis West, Esq. Sir William Wade, Knt. Sir Henry Nevil, Knt. Sir Thomas Smith, Knt. Sir Oliver Cromwell, Knt. Sir Peter Manwood, Knt. Sir Drue Drury, Knt. Sir Peter Scott, Knt. Sir Thomas Challoner, Knt. Sir Robert Drury, Knt. Sir Anthony Cope, Knt. Sir Horatio Vere, Knt. Sir Edward Conway, Knt. Sir William Brown, Knt. Sir Maurice Berkeley, Knt. Sir Robert Maunsel, Knt. Sir Amias Preston, Knt. Sir Thomas Gates, Knt. Sir Anthony Ashley, Knt. Sir Michael Sandys, Knt. Sir Henry Carey, Knt. Sir Stephen Soame, Knt. Sir Callisthenes Brooke, Knt. Sir Edward Michelborn, Knt. Sir John Ratclifle, Knt. Sir Wilmot, Knt. Sir George Moore, Knt. Sir Hugh Wiral, Knt. Sir Thomas Dennis, Knt. Sir John Holles, Knt. Sir William Godolphin, Knt. Sir Thomas Monson, Knt. Sir Thomas Ridgwine, Knt. Sir John Brooke, Knt. Sir Robert Killigrew, Knt. Sir Henry Peyton, Knt. Sir Richard Williamson, Knt. Sir Ferdinando Weyoman, Knt. Sir William St. John, Knt. Sir Thomas Holcroft, Knt. Sir John Mallory, Knt. Sir Roger Ashton, Knt. Sir Walter Cope' Knt. Sir Richard Wigmore, Knt. Sir William Cocke, lent. Sir Herbert Crofte, Knt. Sir Henry Fanshaw, Knt. Sir John Smith, Knt. Sir Francis Wolley, Knt. Sir Edward Waterhouse, Knt. Sir Henry Seckford Knt. Sir Edwin Sandys, Knt. Sir Thomas Waynam, Knt. Sir John Trevor, Knt. Sir Warwick Heele, Knt. Sir Robert Worth, Knt. Sir John Townshend, Knt. Sir Christopher Perkins, Knt. Sir Daniel Dun, Knt. Sir Henry Hobert, Knt. Sir Francis Bacon, Knt. Sir Henry Montague, Knt. Sir George Coppin, Knt. Sir Samuel Sandys, Knt. Sir Thomas Roe, Knt. Sir George Somers, Knt. Sir Thomas Freake, Knt. Sir Thomas Harwell, Knt. Sir Charles Kelke, Knt. Sir Baptist Hicks, Knt. Sir John Watts, Knt. Sir Robert Carey, Knt. Sir William Romney, Knt. Sir Thomas Middleton, Knt. Sir Hatton Cheeke, Knt. Sir John Ogle, Knt. Sir Cavellero Meycot Knt. Sir Stephen Riddleson, Knt. Sir Thomas Bludder, Knt. Sir Anthony;Aucher, Knt. Sir Robert Johnson, Knt. Sir Thomas Pan ton, Knt. Sir Charles Morgan, Knt. Sir Stephen Pole, Knt. Sir John Burlacie, Knt. Sir Christopher Cleave, Knt. Sir George Hayward, Knt. Sir Thomas Davis, Knt. Sir Thomas Sutton, Knt. Sir Anthony Forrest, Knt. Sir Robert Payne, Knt. Sir John Digby, Knt. Sir Dudley Digges, Knt. Sir Fowland Cotton, Knt. Dr. Matthew Sutclide, Dr. Meadows, Dr. Turner, Dr. Poe, Captain Pagnam, Captain Jeffrey Holcrofte, Captain Romney, Captain Henry Spry, Captain Shelton, Captain Sparks, Captain Thomas Wvat, Captain Brinsley, Captain William Courtney, Captain Herbert, Captain Clarke, Captain Dewhurst, Captain John Blundell, Captain Fryer, Captain Lewis Orwell, Captain Edward Lloyd Captain Slingsby, Captain Hawley, Captain Acme, Captain Cookhouse, Captain Mason, Captain Thomas Holcroft,; Captain John Coke, Captain Holles, Captain William Proud, Captain Henry Woodliouse, Captain Richard Lindesey, Captain Dexter, Captain William Winter, Captain Pearse, Captain John gingham, Captain Burray, Captain Thomas Conway. Captain Rockwood Captain William Lovelace, Captain John Ashley, Captain Thomas V(ynne, Captain Thomas Mewtis, Captain Edward Harwood, Captain Michael Everard, Captain Comock, Captain Mills, Captain Pigot, Captain Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captain Christopher Newport, Captain John Sicklemore, alias Ratcliffe, Captain John Smith, Captain John Martin, Captain Peter Wynne, Captain Waldo, Captain Thomas Wood, Captain Thomas Button, George Bolls, Esq. Sheriff of London,, William Crashaw, Clerk, Batchelor of Divinity, William Seabright, Esq. Christopher Brooke, Esq. John Birigley, Esq. Thomas Watson, Esq. Richard Percival, Esq. John Moore, Esq. Hugh Broker, Esq. David Woodhouse, Esq. Anthony Aucher, Esq. Robert Boyer, Esq. Ralph Owens, Esq. Zachary Jones' Esq. George Calvert, Esq. William Dobson, Esq. Henry Reynolds, Esq. Thomas Walker, Esq. Anthony Barnars, Esq. Thomas Sandys, Esq. Henry Sandvs, Esq. Richard Sandys, Esq. Son of Sir Edwin Sandys, William Oxenbridge, Esq. John Moore, Esq. Thomas Wilson Esq. John Bullock, Esq. John Waller, Esq. Thomas Webb, Jehu Robinson, William Brewster, Robert Evelyn, Henry Danby, Richard Hackluit, Minister, John Eldrid, Merchant, William Russel, Merchant, John Merrick, Mercllant, Richard Banister, Merchant, Charles Anthony, Goldsmith, John Banks, William Evans, Richard Humble, Richard Chamberlayne, Merchant, Thomas Barber, Merchant, Richard Pomet, Merchant, John Fletcher, Merchant, Thomas Nicholls, Merchant, John Stoke, Merchant, Gabriel Archer, Francis Covel, William Bonham, Edward Harrison, John Wostenholme, Nicholas Salter, Hugh Evans, William Barnes, Otho Mawdet, Richard Staper, Merchant, John Elkin, Merchant, William Covse, Thomas Perkin, Cooper, Humphrey James, Cooper, Henry Jackson, Robert Singleton, Christopher Nicholls, John Harper, Abraham Chamberlayne, Thomas Shipton, Thomas Carpenter, Anthony Crew, George Holman, Robert Hill, Cleophas Smith, Ralph Harrison, John Farmer, James Brearly, William Crosby, Richard Cox, John Gearing, Richard Strongarm, Ironmongers, Thomas Langton, Griffith Hinton, Richard Ironside, Richard Dean, Richard Turner, William Lawson, Mercer, James Chatfield, Edward Allen Tedder, Robert Hildebrand Sprinson, Arthur Mouse, John Gardiner, James Russell, Richard Caswell, Richard Evans, John Hawkins, Richard Kerril, Richard Brooke, Matthew Screvener, Gentleman, William Stallenge, Gentleman, Arthur Venn, Gentleman, Sandys Webbe, Gentleman, Michael Phetiplace, Gentleman, William Phetiplace, Gentleman, Ambrose Prusey, Gentleman, John Taverner, Gentleman, George Pretty, Gentleman, Peter Latham, Gentleman, Thomas Montford, Gentleman. William Central, Gentleman, Richard Wiffin, Gentleman7 Ralph Moreton, Gentleman, John Cornelius, Martin Freeman, Ralph Freeman, Andrew Moore, Thomas White, Edward Perkin, Robert Offley, Thomas Whitley, George Pit, Robert Parkhurst, Thomas Morris, Peter Harloe, Jeffry Duppa, John Gilbert, William Hancock, Matthew Brown, Francis Tyrrel, Randolph Carter, Othowell Smith. Thomas Hammond, Martin Bond, Haberdasher, John Moulsoe, Robert Johnson, Wiliam Young, John Woodal, William Felgate Humfrey Westwood, Richard Champion, Henry Robinson, Francis Mapes, William Sambach, Ralegh Crashaw, Daniel Tucker, Thomas Grave, Hugh Willeston, Thomas Culpepper, of Wigsel, Esq. John Culpepper, Gentleman, Henry Lee, Josias Kerton, Gentleman, John Pory, Gentleman, Henrv Collins, George Burton, William Atkinson, Thomas Forest, John Russel, John Holt, Harman Harrison. Gabriel Beedel, John Beedel, Henry Dawkes, George Scot, Edward Eleetwood, Gentleman, Richard Rogers, Gentleman, Arthur Robinson, Robert Robinson, John Huntley, John Gray, William Payne, William Field, William Wattey, William Webster, John Dingley, Thomas Draper, Richard Glanvil, Arnold Hulls, Henry Roe, William More, Nicholas Gryce, James Monger, Nicholas Andrews, Jeremy Haydon, Ironmonger, Philip Durette' John Quarles, John West, Matthew Springham, John Johnson, Christopher Hore, Thomas Snead, George Berkeley, Arthur Pet, Thomas Careles, William Berkley, Thomas Johnson, Alexander Bents, Captain William King, George Sandys, Gentleman, James White, Gentleman, Edmond Anne, Charles Towlar, Richard Reynold, Edward Webb, Richard Maplesden, Thomas Lever, David Bourne, Thomas Wood, Ralph Hamer, Edward Barnes, Mercer, John Wright, Mercer Robert Middleton, Edward I,ittlefield, Katharine West, Thomas Web, Ralph lying, Robert Coppin, James Askew, Christopher Holt, William Bardwell, Alexander Chiles, Lewis Tate, Edward Ditchfield, James Swifte, Richard Widdowes, goldsmith, Redmond Brudenell, Edward Purcell, John Hansford, Edward Woo]ler, William Palmer, haberdasher, John Badger John Hodgson, Peter Mounsel, John Carril, John Bushride, Lillian Dun, Thomas Johnson, Nicholas Benson Thomas Shipton, Nathaniel Wade, Randal Wetwood, Matthew Dequester, Charles Hawkins, Hugh Hammersley, Abraham Cartwright, George Bennet, William Cater, Richard Goddard, Henry Cromwell, Phineas Pet, Robert Cooper, John Cooper, Henry Newce, Edward Wilkes, Robert Bateman, Nicholas Farrar, John Hewhouse, John Cason, Thomas Harris, Gentleman, George Etheridge, Gentleman, Thomas Mayle, Gentleman, Richard Stafford, Thomas , Richard Cooper, John Wrestrow, Edward Welch, Thomas Britain, Thomas Knowles Octavian Thorne, Edmond Smith, John March, Edward Carew, Thomas Pleydall, Richard Let, Miles Palmer, Henrv Price, John Joshua, Gentleman, William Clauday, Jeremy Pearsye, John Bree, Gentleman, William Hampson, Christopher Pickford, Thomas Hunt, Thomas Truston, Christopher Salmon, Jolm Howard, clerk, Richard Partridge, Allen Cassen, Felix Wilson, Thomas Bathurst, George Wilmer, Andrew Wilmer, Maurice Lewellin, Thomas Godwin, Peter Burgoyne, Thomas Burgoyne, Robert Burgoyne, Robert Smith, Merchant Taylor, Edward Cage, grocer, Thomas Cannon, Gentleman, William Welby, stationer, Clement Wilmer, Gentleman, John Clapham, Gentleman, Giles Francis, Gentleman, George Walker, Sadler, John Swinhow, stationer, Edward Bishop, stationer, Leonard White, Gentleman, Christopher Baron, Peter Benson, Richard Smith, George Proctor, minister, Millicent Ramsdent, widow' Joseph Soane, Thomas Hinshaw, John Baker, Robert Thornton, John Davis, Edward Facet, George Newce, Gentleman, John Robinson, Captain Thomas Wood, William Brown, shoemaker, Robert Barker, shoemaker, Robert Pennington, Francis Burley, minister, William Quick, grocer, Edward Lewis, grocer, Laurence Campe, draper, Aden Perkins, grocer, Richard Shepherd, preacher, William Sherley, haberdasher, William Taylor, haberdasher, Edwin Lukin, Gentleman, John Franklvn, haberdasher, John Southwick, Peter Peate, George Johan, ironmonger, George Yeardley, Gentleman, Henry Shelly, John Prat, Thomas Church, draper, William Powel, Gentleman, Richard Frith, Gentleman, Thomas Wheeler, draper, Francis Easlerig, Gentleman, Hugh Shipley, Gentleman, John Andrews, the Elder, Doctor of Cambridge, Francis Whistler, Gentleman, Jhon Vassal, Gentleman, Richard Howle. Edward Berkeley, Gentleman, Richard Keneridgburg, Gentleman, Nicholas Exton, draper, William Bennet, fishmonger, James Haywood, Merchant, Nicholas Isaac, Merchant, William Gibbs, Merchant, Bishop, Bernard Mitchel, Isaac Mitchel, John Streate, Edward Gall, John Martin, Gentleman, Thomas Fox, Luke Lodge, John Woodliffe, Gentleman, Richard Webb, Vincent LONV, Samuel Burnham, Edmund Pears. haberdasher, John Googe John St. John, Edward Vaughan, William Dunn, Thomas Alcocke, John Andrews, the younger, of Cambridge, Samuel Smith, Thomas Gerrard, Thomas Whittingham, William Canning, Paul Canning, George Chandler, Henry Vincent, Thomas lketley, James Skelton, James Mountaine, George Webb, gentleman, Joseph Newbridge, smith, Josiah Mand, Captain Ralph Hamer, the younger, Edward Brewster, the son of William Brewster, Leonard Harwood, mercer, Philip Druerdent, William Carpenter, Tristian Hill, Robert Cock, grocer, Laurence Grecie, grocer, Samuel Winch, grocer, Humphry Stile, grocer, Avern Dransfield, grocer, Edward Hodges, grocer, Edward Beale, grocer, Thomas Culler, grocer, Ralph Busby, grocer, John Whittlngham, grocer, John Hide, grocer, Matthew Shepherd, grocer, Thomas Allen, grocer, Richard Hooker grocer, Lawrence Munks, grocer, John Tanner, grocer, Peter Gate. grocer, John Blunt, grocer, Robert Phipps, grocer, Robert Berrisford, grocer, Thomas Wells, grocer, John Ellis, grocer, Henry Colthurst, grocer, John Cavady, grocer, Thomas Jennings, grocer, Edmond Baschall, grocer, Timothy Bathurst, grocer, Giles Parslow, grocer, Robert Milmay, grocer, Richard Johnson, grocer, William Johnson, vintner, Ezekiel Smith, Richard Martin, William Sharpe, Robert Rich, William Stannard, innholder, John Stocken, William Strachey, gentleman, George Farmer, gentleman, Thomas Gypes, cloth-worker, Abraham Davies, gentleman, Thomas Brocket, gentleman, George Bache, fishmonger, John Dike, fishmonger, Henry Spranger, Richard Farrington, Christopher Vertue, vintner, Thomas Bayley, vintner, George Robins, vintner, Tobias Hinson, grocer, Vrian Spencer, Clement Chickeley, John Scarpe, gentleman, James CampbelL ironmonger, Christian Clitheroe, ironmonger, Philip Jacobson, Peter Jacobson, of Antwerp, William Berkeley, Miles Banks, cutler, Peter Higgons, grocer, Henry John, gentleman, John Stokley, merchant taylor, the Company of Mercers, the Company of Grocers, the Company of Drapers, the Company of Fishmongers, the Company of Goldsmiths, the Company of Skinners, the Company of MerchantTaylors, the Company of Haberdashers, the Company of Salters, the Company of Ironmongers, the Company of Vintners, the Company of Clothworkers, the Company of Dyers, the Company of Brewers, the Company of Leathersellers, the Company of Pewierers, the Company of Gutlers, the Company of Whitebakers, the Company of Wax-Chandlers, the Company of Tallow-Chandlers, the Company of Armourers, the Company of Girdlers, the Company of Butchers, the Company of Sadlers, the Company of Carpenters, the Company of Cordwaynes, the Company of Barber-Chirurgeons, the Companv of Paintstainers, the Company of Curriers, the Company of Masons, the Company of Plumbers, the Company of Innholders, the Company of Founders, the Company of Poulterers, the Company of Cooks, the Company of Coopers, the Company of Tylers and Brick]ayers, the Company of Boyers, the Company of Fletchers, the Company of Blacksmiths, the Company of Joiners, the Company of Weavers, the Company of Woolmen, the Company of Woodmongers, the Company of Scriveners, the Company of Fruiterers, the Company of Plasterers, the Company of Brownbakers, the Company of Stationers, the Company of Imbroiderers, the Company of Upholsterers, the Company of Musicians, the Company of Turners, the Company of Gardners, the Company of Basketmakers, the Companv of Glaziers, John Levet, Merchant, Thomas Nornicot, clothworker, Richard Venn, haberdasher, Thomas Scott, gentleman, Thomas Juxon, merchant-taylor, George Hankinson, Thomas Seyer, gentleman, Matthew Cooper, George Buttler, gentleman, Thomas Lawson, gentleman, Edward Smith, haberdasher, Stephen Sparrow, John Jones, merchant, Reynolds, Brewer, Thomas Plummer, merchant, Jame Duppa, brewer, Rowland Coitmore, William Southerne, George Whitmore, haberdasher, Anthony Gosnold, the younger, John Allen, fishmonger, Simon Yeomans, fishmonger, Lancelot Davis, gentleman, John Hopkins, alderman of Bristol, John Kettleby, gentleman, Richard Clene, goldsmith, George Hooker, gentleman, Robert Chening, yeoman, and to such and so many as they do, or shall hereafter admit to be joined with them, in the form hereafter in these presents expressed, whether they go in their Persons to be Planters there in the said Plantation, or whether they do not, but adventure their monies, goods, or Chattles, that they shalTbb one Body or Commonalty perpetual, and shall have perpetual Succession and one common Seal to serve for the said Body or Commonalty, and that they and their Successors shall be known, called, and incorporated by the Name of The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of London, for the first Colony in Virginia. And that they and their Successors shall be from henceforth forever enabled to take, acquire, and purchase by the Name aforesaid (Licence for the same from Us, our Heirs, and Successors, first had and obtained) any Manner of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods and Chattles, within our Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales. And that they, and their Successors, shall likewise be enabled by the Name aforesaid, to plead and be impleaded, before any of our Judges or Justices in any of our Courts, and in any Actions or Suits whatsoever. And we do also of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, give, grant and confirm, unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, under the Reservations, Limitations, and. Declarations hereafter expressed, all those Lands, Countries, and Territories, situate, lying, and being in that Part of America, called Virginia, from the Point of Land, called Cape or Point Comfort, all along the Sea Coast to the Northward, two hundred miles, and from the said Point of Cape Comfort, all along the Sea Coast to the Southward, two hundred Miles, and all that Space and Circuit of Land, lying from the Sea Coast of the Precinct aforesaid, up into the Land throughout from Sea to Sea, West and Northwest; And also all the Islands lying within one hundred Miles along the Coast of both Seas of the Precinct aforesaid; Together with all the Soils, Grounds, Havens, and Ports, Mines, as well Royal Mines of Gold and Silver, as other Minerals, Pearls, and precious Stones, Quarries, Woods, Rivers, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, Jurisdictions, Royalties, Privileges, Franchises, and Preheminences within the said Territories, and the Precincts thereof, whatsoever, and thereto, and thereabouts both by Sea and Land, being, or in any sort belonging or appertaining, and which We, by our Letters Patents, may or can grant, in as ample Manner and Sort, as We, or any our noble Progenitors, have heretofore granted to any Company, Body Politic or Corporate, or to any Adventurer or Adventurers, Undertaker or Undertakers of any Discoveries, Plantations, or Traffic, of, in, or into any Foreign Parts whatsoever, and in as large and ample Manner, as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed; To HAVE AND TO HOLD, possess and enjoy, all and singular the said Lands, Countries and Territories, with all and singular other the Premises heretofore by these Presents granted, or mentioned to be granted to them, the said Treasurer and Company, their Successors and Assigns forever To the sole and proper Use of them, the said Treasurer and Company, their Successors and Assigns forever; To BE HOLDEN of Us, our Heirs and Successors, as of our Manor of East-Greenwich, in free and common Soccage, and not in Capite; YIELDING and PAYING therefore, to Us, our Heirs and Successors, the fifth Part only of all Ore of Gold and Silver, that from Time to Time, and at all Times hereafter, shall be there gotten, had, or obtained, for all Manner of Services. AND nevertheless, our Will and Pleasure is, and we do by these Presents, charge and command, warrant and authorize, that the said Treasurer, and Company, or their Successors, or the major Part of them which shall be present and assembled for that Purpose, shall from Time to Time, under their common Seal, DISTRIBUTE, convey, assign, and set over such particular Portions of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, by these Presents formerly granted unto such our loving Subjects, naturally born, or Denizens, or others, as well Adventurers as Planters, as by the said Company (upon a Commission of Survey and Distribution, executed and returned for that Purpose) shall be nominated, appointed, and allowed; Wherein our Will and Pleasure is, that Respect be had as well of the Proportion of the Adventurer, as to the special Service, Hazard, Exploit, or Merit of any Person so to be recompensed, advanced, or rewarded. AND forasmuch as the good and prosperous Success of the said Plantation, cannot but chiefly depend next under the Blessing of God, and the Support of our Royal Authority, upon the provident and good Direction of the whole Enterprise, by a careful and understanding Council, and that it is not convenient, that all the Adventurers shall be so often drawn to meet and assemble, as shall foe requisite for them to have Meetings and Conference about the Affairs thereof; Therefore we Do ORDAIN, establish and confirm, that there shall be perpetually one COUNCIL here resident, according to the Tenour of our former Letters-Patents; Which Council shall have a Seal for the better Government and Administration of the said Plantation, besides the legal Seal of the Company or Corporation, as in our former Letters-Patents is also expressed. AND further, We ESTABLISH and ORDAIN, That Henry Earl of Southampton, William Earl of Pembroke, Henry Earl of Lincoln, Thomas, Earl of Exeter, Robert, Lord Viscount Lisle, Lord Theophilus Howard, James, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, Lord Edward Zouche, Thomas Lord Lawarr, William, Lord Mounteagle, Edmund, Lord Sheffield, Gray, Lord Chandois, John, Lord Stanhope, George, Lord Carew, Sir Humfrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London, Sir Edward Cecil, Sir William Wade, Sir Henry Nevil, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Oliver Cromwell, Sir Peter Manwood, Sir Thomas Challoner, Sir Henry Hobert, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir George Coppin, Sir John Scot, Sir Henry Carey, Sir Robert Drury, Sir Horatio Vere, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Maurice Berkeley, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Michael Sandys, Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor, Sir Amias Preston, Sir William Godolphin, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Robert Killigrew, Sir Henry Fanshaw, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir John Watts, Sir Henry Montague, Sir William Homney, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir Baptist Hicks, Sir Richard Williamson, Sir Stephen Poole, Sir Dudley Digges, Christopher Brooke, Esq. John Eldred, and Jolm Wolstenholme shall be our Council for the said Company of Adventurers and Planters, in Virginia. AND the said Thomas Smith, We Do ORDAIN to be Treasurer of the said Company; which Treasurer shall have Authority to give Order for the Warning of the Council, and summoning the Company to their Courts and Meetings AND the said Council and Treasurer, or any of them shall be from henceforth nominated, chosen, continued, displaced, changed, altered and supplied, as Death, or other several Occasions shall require, out of the Company of the said Adventurers, by the Voice of the greater part of the said Company and Adventurers, in their Assembly for that Purpose: PROVIDED always, That every Counsellor so newly elected, shall be presented to the Lord Chancellor of England, or to the Lord High Treasurer of England, or to the Lord Chamberlain of the Household of Us, our Heirs and Successors for the Time being, to take his Oath of a Counsellor to Us, our Heirs and Successors, for the said Company of Adventurers and Colony in Virginia. AND we do by these Presents, of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, GRANT unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, that if it happen at any Time or Times, the Treasurer for the Time being to be sick, or to have any such Cause of Absence from the City of London, as shall be allowed by the said Council, or the greater part of them assembled, so as he cannot attend the affairs of that Company, in every such Case, it shall and may be lawful for such Treasurer for the Time being, to assign, constitute, and appoint one of the Council, or Company, to be likewise allowed by the Council, or the greater Part of them assembled, to be the Deputy Treasurer of the said Company; Which Deputy shall have Power to do and execute all Things which belong to the said Treasurer, during such Time as such Treasurer shall be either sick, or otherwise absent, upon Cause allowed of by the said Council, or the major Part of them, as aforesaid, so fully and wholly, and in as large and ample Manner and Form, to all Intents: and Purposes, as the said Treasurer if he were present himself, might or could do and execute the same. AND further, of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, we do, by these Presents, GIVE and GRANT full Power and Authority to our said Council here resident, as well at this present time, as hereafter from time to time, to nominate, make, constitute, ordain and confirm, by such Name or Names, Stile or Stiles, as to them shall seem good, And likewise to revoke, discharge, change, and alter, as well all and singular Governors, Officers, and Ministers, which already have been made, as also which hereafter shall be by them thought fit and needful to be made or used for the Government of the said Colony and Plantation: AND also to make, ordain, and establish all Manner of Orders, Laws, Directions, Instructions, Forms and Ceremonies of Government and Magistracy, fit and necessary for and concerning the Government of the said Colony and Plantation; And the same, at all Times hereafter, to abrogate, revoke, or change, not only within the Precincts of the said Colony, but also upon the Seas, in going and coming to and from the said Colony, as they in their good Discretion, shall think to be fittest for the Good of the Adventurers and inhabitants there. AND we do also declare, that for divers Reasons and Considerations, Us thereunto especially moving, our Will and Pleasure is, and We do hereby ordain, that immediately from and after such Time as any such Governor or principal Officer, so to be nominated and appointed by our said Council, for the Government of the said Colony as aforesaid, shall arrive in . Virginia, and give Notice unto the Colony there resident, of our pleasure in this Behalf, the Government Power and Authority of the President and Council heretofore by our former Letters-patents there established, and all Laws and Constitutions by them formerly made shall utterly cease and be determined; And all Officers, Governors, and Ministers formerly constituted and appointed, shall be discharged, anything in our former Letters-patents concerning the said Plantation contained in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding; Straightly charging and commanding the President and Council now resident in the said Colony upon their Allegiance, after Knowledge given unto them of our Will and Pleasure by these presents signified and declared that they forthwith be obedient to such Governor or Governors as by our said Council here resident shall be named and appointed as aforesaid, and to all Directions, Orders and Commandments which they shall receive from them, as well in the present resigning and giving up of their Authority, Offices, Charge and Places, as in all other Attendance as shall be by them from time to time required. AND we do further by these presents ORDAIN and establish, that the said Treasurer and Council here resident, and their successors or any four of them being assembled (the Treasurer being one) shall from time to time have full Power and Authority to admit and receive any other Person into their Company, Corporation, and Freedom; And further in a General Assembly of Adventurers, with the consent of the greater part upon good Cause, to disfranchise and put out any Person or Persons out of the said Freedom or Company. AND we do also GRANT and confirm for Us, our Heirs and Successors, that it shall be lawful for the said Treasurer and Company and their Successors by direction of the Governors there, to dig and to search for all manner of Mines of Gold, silver, Copper, Iron, Lead, Tin, and all sorts of Minerals, as well within the precinct aforesaid, as within and part of the main land not formerly granted to any other; And TO HAVE and ENJOY the Gold, Silver, Copper, Iron, Lead, and Tin, and all other Minerals to be gotten thereby, to the use and behoof of the said company of Planters and Adventurers; YIELDING thereof, and paying Yearly unto Us, our Heirs and Successors as aforesaid. AND we do further of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion for Us, our Heires, and Successors, GRANT by these presents, to and with the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, that it shall be lawful and free for them . and their Assigns, at all and every time and times hereafter, out of our Realm of England, and out of all other our Dominions, to take and lead into the said Voyages, and for and towards the said Plantation, and to travel thitherwards and to abide and inhabit there in the said Colony and Plantation, all such and so many of our loving Subjects, or any other Strangers, that will become our loving Subjects, and live under our Obedience, as shall willingly accompany them in the said Voyage and Plantation; With sufficient Shipping, Armour, Weapons, Ordinance, Munition, Powder, Shot, Victuals, and such Merchandises or Wares as are esteemed by the wild People in those Parts, Cloathing, Implements, Furniture, Cattle, Horses, and Mares, and all other things necessary for the said Plantation, and for their Use, and Defence, and Trade with the People there; and passing and returning to and fro; Without yielding or paying Subsidy, Custom, Imposition, or any other Tax or Duty, to Us, our Heirs, or Successors, for the space of seven Years from the Date of these Presents: PROVIDED that none of the said Persons be such as shall be hereafter by special name restrained by Us, our Heirs, and Successors. AND for their further Encouragement, of our special Grace and Favour, we do by these Presents, for Us, our Heires, and Successors, YEILD and GRANT to and with the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and every of them, their Factors and Assigns, that they and every of them shall be free of all Subsidies and Customs in Virginia, for the space of one and twenty Years, and from all Taxes and Impositions for ever upon any Goods or Merchandizes at any Time or Times hereafter, either upon Importation thither, or Exportation from thence into our Realm of England, or into any other of our Realms or Dominions, by the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and their Deputies, Factors, or Assigns, or any of them: EXCEPT only the five Pounds per Cent. due for Custom upon all such Goods and Merchandizes as shall be brought or Imported into our Realm of England, or any other of these our Dominions according to the antient Trade of Merchants; WHICH FIVE POUNDS per Cent only being paid, it shall be thenceforth lawful and free for the said Adventurers, the same Goods and Merchandizes to export and carry out of our said Dominions into foreign Parts without any Custom, Tax, or other Duty to be paid to Us, our Heires, or Successors, or to any other our Officers or Deputies: PROVIDED, that the said Goods and Merchandizes be shipped out, within thirteen Months after their first landing within any Part of those Dominions. AND we do also GRANT and confirm to the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, as also to all and every such Governor, or other Officers, and Ministers, as by our said Council shall be appointed to have Power and Authority of Government and Command in and over the said Colony and Plantation; That they, and every of them, shall and lawfully may from Time to Time and at all Times for ever hereafter, for their several Defence and Safety, encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by Force and Arms, as well by Sea as by Land, and all Ways and Means whatsoever, all and every such Person and Persons whatsoever as (without the special Licence of the said Treasurer and Company and their Successors) shall attempt to inhabit within the said several Precincts and Limits of the said Colony and Plantation; And also all and every such Person and Persons whatsoever, as shall enterprise or attempt at any Time hereafter, Destruction, Invasion, Hurt, Detriment, or Annoyance, to the said Colony and Plantation, as is likewise specified in the said former Grant: AND that it shall be lawful for the said Treasurer and Company and their Successors, and every of them from Time to Time, and at all Times for ever hereafter, and they shall have full Power and Authority to take and surprise by all Ways and Means whatsoever, all and every Person and Persons whatsoever, with their Ships, Goods, and other Furniture, trafficking in any Harbour, Creek, or Place, within the Limits or Precincts of the said Colony and Plantation not being allowed by the said Company to be Adventurers or Planters of the said Colony until such Time as they being of any Realigns and Dominions under our Obedience, shall pay, or agree to pay, to the Hands of the Treasurer, or of some other Officer deputed by the said Governor of Virginia (over and above such Subsidy or Custom as the said Company is or hereafter shall be to pay) five Pounds per Cent. upon all Goods and Merchandises so brought in thither, and also five per Cent. upon all Goods by them shipped out from thence; And being Strangers and not under our Obedience until they have paid (over and above such Subsidy and Custom, as the said Treasurer and Company, or their Successors, is, or hereafter shall be to pay) ten Pounds per Cent. upon all such Goods likewise carried in and out, any Thing in the said former Letters-patents to the contrary notwithstanding;. And the same SUMS of MONEY and Benefit, aforesaid, for and during the space of one and twenty Years, shall be wholly employed to the Benefit, Use, and Behoof of the said Colony and Plantation; And after the said one and twenty Years ended, the same shall be taken to the use of Us, our Heirs and Successors, by such Officers and Ministers, as by Us, our Heirs or Successors shall be "hereunto assigned and appointed, as is specified in the said former Letters-patents. Also we do for Us, our Heirs and Successors, DECLARE by these Presents, that all and every the Persons being our Subjects, which shall go and inhabit within the said Colony and Plantation, and every their Children and Posterity, which shall happen to be born within any of the Limits thereof, shall HAVE and ENJOY all Liberties, Franchizes, and Immunities of Free Denizens and natural Subjects within any of our other Dominions to all Intents and Purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within this our Realm of England, or in any other of our Dominions. AND forasmuch as it shall be necessary for all such our loving Subject as shall inhabit within the said Precincts of Virginia aforesaid, to determine to live together in the Fear and true Worship of Almighty God, Christian Peace and Civil Quietness each with other, whereby every one may with more Safety, Pleasure and Profit enjoy that whereunto they shall attain with great Pain and Peril; WE for Us, our Heirs, and Successors are likewise pleased and contented, and by these Presents do GIVE and GRANT unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and to such Governors, Officers, and Ministers, as shall be by our said Council constituted and appointed according to the Natures and Limits of their Offices and Places respectively, that they shall and may from Time to Time, for ever hereafter, within the said Precincts of Virginia, or in the way by Seas thither and from thence, have full and absolute Power and Authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern, and rule all such the Subjects of Us, our Heires, and Successors as shall from Time to Time adventure themselves in any Voyage thither, or that shall at any Time hereafter, inhabit in the Precincts and Territories of the said Colony as aforesaid, according to such Orders, Ordinances, Constitutions, Directions, and Instructions, as by our said Council as aforesaid, shall be established; And in Defect thereof in case of Necessity, according to the good Discretions of the said Governor and Officers respectively, as well in Cases capital and criminal, as civil, both Marine and other; So always as the said Statutes, Ordinances and Proceedings as near as conveniently may be, be agreeable to the Laws, Statutes, Government, and Policy of this our Realm of England. AND we do further of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, GRANT, DECLARE, and ORDAIN, that such principal Governor, as from Time to Time shall duly and lawfully be authorized and appointed in Manner and Form in these Presents heretofore expressed, shall have full Power and Authority, to use and exercise Martial Law in Cases of Rebellion or Mutiny, in as large and ample Manner as our Lieutenants in our Counties within this our Realm of England have or ought to have, by Force of their Commissions of Lieutenancy. AND furthermore, if any Person or Persons, Adventurers or Planters of the said Colony, or any other at any Time or Times hereafter, shall transport any Monies, Goods, or Merchandises, out of any of our Kingdoms with a Pretence or Purpose to land, sell, or otherwise dispose of the same within the Limits or Bounds of the Said Colony, and yet nevertheless being at Sea, or after he hath landed: within any part of the said Colony, shall carry the same into any other foreign Country with a Purpose there to sell and dispose thereof; That then all the Goods and Chattels of the said Person or Persons so offending, and transported, together with the Ship or Vessel wherein such Transportation was made, shall be forfeited to Us, our Heirs, and Successors. AND further, our Will and Pleasure is, that in all Questions and Doubts that shall arise upon any difficulty of Construction or Interpretation of any Thing contained either in this, or in our said former Letters-patents, the same shall be taken and interpreted in most ample and beneficial Manner for the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and every Member thereof. AND further, we do. by these Presents RATIFY and CONFIRM unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, all the Privileges, Franchises, Liberties, and Immunities granted in our said former Letters-patents, and not in these our Letters-patents, revoked, altered, changed, or abridged. AND finally our Will and Pleasure is, and we do further hereby for Us, our Heirs, and Successors, GRANT and AGREE, to and with the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, that all and singular Person and Persons, which shall at any Time or Times hereafter adventure any Sum or Sums of Money, in and towards the said Plantation of the said Colony in Virginia, and shall be admitted by the said Council and Company, as Adventurers of the said Colony in Form aforesaid, and shall be enrolled in the Book or Records of the Adventurers of the said Company, shall and may be accounted, accepted, taken, held, and reputed Adventurers of the said Colony, and shall, and may enjoy all and singular Grants, Privileges, Liberties, Benefits, Profits, Commodities and Immunities, Advantages and Emoluments whatsoever, as fully, largely, amply, and absolutely, as if they and every of them, had been precisely, plainly, singularly, and distinctly named and inserted in these our Letters-patents. AND lastly, because the principal Effect which eve can desire or expect of this Action, is the Conversion and Reduction of the People in those Parts unto the true Worship of God and Christian Religion, in which Respect we should be loath that any Person should be permitted to pass that we suspected to affect the Superstitions of the Church of Rome, we do hereby DECLARE, that it is our Will and Pleasure that none be permitted to pass in any Voyage from Time to Time to be made into the said Country, but such as first shall have taken the Oath of Supremacy; For which Purpose, we do by these Presents give full Power and Authority to the Treasurer for the Time being, and any three of the Council, to tender and exhibit the said Oath, to all such Persons as shall at any Time be sent and employed n the said Voyage. Although express Mention of true yearly Value or Certainty of the Premisses, or any of then), or of any other Gifts or Grants by Us, or any of our Progenitors or Predecessors to the aforesaid Treasurer and Company heretofore made in these Presents, is not made; Or any Act, Statute, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or Restraint' to the contrary hereof had, made, ordained, or provided, or any other Thing, Cause, or Matter whatsoever in any wise notwithstanding. IN WITNESS whereof, We have caused these our Letters to be made Patent. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 23d Day of May, in the seventh Year of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the * PER IPSUM REGEM. Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/va02.asp

The First Charter of Virginia April 10, 1606 The First Charter of Virginia James, by the grace of God [King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith], etc. Whereas our loving and weldisposed subjects, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers, Knightes; Richarde Hackluit, Clarke, Prebendarie of Westminster; and Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, Thomas Hannam and Raleighe Gilberde, Esquiers; William Parker and George Popham, Gentlemen; and divers others of our loving subjects, have been humble sutors unto us that wee woulde vouchsafe unto them our licence to make habitacion, plantacion and to deduce a colonie of sondrie of our people into that parte of America commonly called Virginia, and other parts and territories in America either appartaining unto us or which are not nowe actuallie possessed by anie Christian prince or people, scituate, lying and being all along the sea coastes between fower and thirtie degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctiall line and five and fortie degrees of the same latitude and in the maine lande betweene the same fower and thirtie and five and fourtie degrees, and the ilandes thereunto adjacente or within one hundred miles of the coaste thereof; And to that ende, and for the more speedy accomplishemente of theire saide intended plantacion and habitacion there, are desirous to devide themselves into two severall colonies and companies, the one consisting of certaine Knightes, gentlemen, marchanntes and other adventurers of our cittie of London, and elsewhere, which are and from time to time shalbe joined unto them which doe desire to begin theire plantacions and habitacions in some fitt and conveniente place between fower and thirtie and one and fortie degrees of the said latitude all alongest the coaste of Virginia and coastes of America aforesaid and the other consisting of sondrie Knightes, gentlemen, merchanntes, and other adventurers of our citties of Bristoll and Exeter, and of our towne of Plymouthe, and of other places which doe joine themselves unto that colonie which doe desire to beginn theire plantacions and habitacions in some fitt and This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 2 Annotation: James I of England issued the First Charter of Virginia on April 10, 1606, granting the Virginia Company of London the authority to establish colonies in North America and claim lands between roughly the 34th and 41st parallels. The charter authorized the formation of a joint-stock enterprise to fund settlement, trade, and resource extraction, laying the legal foundation for the Jamestown expedition and marking England’s formal entry into sustained colonization of the Atlantic seaboard. Author: James I Transcript Source: http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1600-1650/the-first-virginia-charter-1606.php convenient place betweene eighte and thirtie degrees and five and fortie degrees of the saide latitude all alongst the saide coaste of Virginia and America as that coaste lieth; Wee, greately commending and graciously accepting of theire desires to the furtherance of soe noble a worke which may, by the providence of Almightie God, hereafter tende to the glorie of His Divine Majestie in propagating of Christian religion to suche people as yet live in darkenesse and miserable ignorance of the true knoweledge and worshippe of God and may in tyme bring the infidels and salvages living in those parts to humane civilitie and to a setled and quiet govermente, doe by theise our lettres patents graciously accepte of and agree to theire humble and well intended desires; And doe, therefore, for us, our heires and successors, grannte and agree that the saide Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sumers, Richarde Hackluit and Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, adventurers of and for our cittie of London, and all suche others as are or shalbe joined unto them of that Colonie, shalbe called the Firste Colonie, and they shall and may beginne theire saide firste plantacion and seate of theire firste aboade and habitacion at anie place upon the saide coaste of Virginia or America where they shall thincke fitt and conveniente betweene the saide fower and thirtie and one and fortie degrees of the saide latitude; and that they shall have all the landes, woods, soile, groundes, havens, ports, rivers, mines, mineralls, marshes, waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditamentes whatsoever, from the said first seate of theire plantacion and habitacion by the space of fiftie miles of Englishe statute measure all alongest the saide coaste of Virginia and America towardes the weste and southe weste as the coaste lieth, with all the islandes within one hundred miles directlie over againste the same sea coaste; and alsoe all the landes, soile, groundes havens, ports, rivers, mines, mineralls, woods, marrishes [marshes], waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditamentes whatsoever, from the saide place of theire firste plantacion and habitacion for the space of fiftie like Englishe miles, all alongest the saide coaste of Virginia and America towardes the easte and northeaste [or toward the north] as the coaste lieth, together with all the islandes within one hundred miles directlie over againste the same sea coaste; and alsoe all the landes, woodes, soile, groundes, havens, portes, rivers, mines, mineralls, marrishes, waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditamentes whatsoever, from the same fiftie miles everie waie on the sea coaste directly into the maine lande by the space of one hundred like Englishe miles; and shall and may inhabit and remaine there; and shall and may alsoe builde and fortifie within anie the same for theire better safegarde and defence, according to theire best discrecions and the direction of the Counsell of that Colonie; and that noe other of our subjectes shalbe permitted or suffered to plante or inhabit behinde or on the backside of them towardes the maine lande, without the expresse licence or consente of the Counsell of that Colonie thereunto in writing firste had or obtained. And wee doe likewise for us, our heires and successors, by theise presentes grannte and agree that the saide Thomas Hannam and Raleighe Gilberde, William Parker and George Popham, and all others of the towne of Plymouthe in the countie of Devon, or elsewhere, which are or shalbe joined unto them of that Colonie, shalbe called the Seconde Colonie; and that they shall and may beginne theire saide firste plantacion and seate of theire first aboade and habitacion at anie place upon the saide coaste of Virginia and America, where they shall thincke fitt and conveniente, betweene eighte and thirtie degrees of the saide latitude and five and fortie degrees of the same latitude; and that they shall have all the landes, soile, groundes, havens, ports, rivers, mines, mineralls, woods, marishes, waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditaments whatsoever, from the firste seate of theire plantacion and habitacion by the space of fiftie like Englishe miles, as is aforesaide, all alongeste the saide coaste of Virginia and America towardes the weste and southwest, or towardes the southe, as the coaste lieth, and all the islandes within one hundred miles directlie over againste the saide sea coaste; and alsoe all the landes, soile, groundes, havens, portes, rivers, mines, mineralls, woods, marishes, waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditamentes whatsoever, from the saide place of theire firste plantacion and habitacion for the space of fiftie like miles all alongest the saide coaste of Virginia and America towardes the easte and northeaste or towardes the northe, as the coaste liethe, and all the islandes alsoe within one hundred miles directly over againste the same sea coaste; and alsoe all the landes, soile, groundes, havens, ports, rivers, woodes, mines, mineralls, marishes, waters, fishings, commodities and hereditaments whatsoever, from the same fiftie miles everie waie on the sea coaste, directlie into the maine lande by the space of one hundred like Englishe miles; and shall and may inhabit and remaine there; and shall and may alsoe builde and fortifie within anie the same for theire better saufegarde according to theire beste discrecions and the direction of the Counsell of that Colonie; and that none of our subjectes shalbe permitted or suffered to plante or inhabit behinde or on the backe of them towardes the maine lande without the expresse licence or consente of the Counsell of that Colonie, in writing thereunto, firste had and obtained. Provided alwaies, and our will and pleasure herein is, that the plantacion and habitacion of suche of the saide Colonies as shall laste plante themselves, as aforesaid, shall not be made within one hundred like Englishe miles of the other of them that firste beganne to make theire plantacion, as aforesaide. And wee doe alsoe ordaine, establishe and agree for [us], our heires and successors, that eache of the saide Colonies shall have a Counsell which shall governe and order all matters and causes which shall arise, growe, or happen to or within the same severall Colonies, according to such lawes, ordinannces and instructions as shalbe in that behalfe, given and signed with our hande or signe manuell and passe under the Privie Seale of our realme of Englande; eache of which Counsells shall consist of thirteene parsons and to be ordained, made and removed from time to time according as shalbe directed and comprised in the same instructions; and shall have a severall seale for all matters that shall passe or concerne the same severall Counsells, eache of which seales shall have the Kinges armes engraven on the one side there of and his pourtraiture on the other; and that the seale for the Counsell of the saide Firste Colonie shall have engraven rounde about on the one side theise wordes: Sigillum Regis Magne Britanie, Francie [et] Hibernie; on the other side this inscripture rounde about: Pro Consillio Prime Colonie Virginie. And the seale for the Counsell of the saide Seconde Colonie shall alsoe have engraven rounde about the one side thereof the foresaide wordes: Sigillum Regis Magne Britanie, Francie [et] Hibernie; and on the other side: Pro Consilio Secunde Colonie Virginie. And that alsoe ther shalbe a Counsell established here in Englande which shall in like manner consist of thirteen parsons to be, for that purpose, appointed by us, our heires and successors, which shalbe called our Counsell of Virginia; and shall from time to time have the superior managing and direction onelie of and for all matters that shall or may concerne the govermente, as well of the said severall Colonies as of and for anie other parte or place within the aforesaide precinctes of fower and thirtie and five and fortie degrees abovementioned; which Counsell shal in like manner have a seale for matters concerning the Counsell [or Colonies] with the like armes and purtraiture as aforesaide, with this inscription engraven rounde about the one side: Sigillum Regis Magne Britanie, Francie [et] Hibernie; and rounde about the other side: Pro Consilio Suo Virginie. And more over wee doe grannte and agree for us, our heires and successors, that the saide severall Counsells of and for the saide severall Colonies shall and lawfully may by vertue hereof, from time to time, without interuption of us, our heires or successors, give and take order to digg, mine and searche for all manner of mines of goulde, silver and copper, as well within anie parte of theire saide severall Colonies as of the saide maine landes on the backside of the same Colonies; and to have and enjoy the goulde, silver and copper to be gotten there of to the use and behoofe of the same Colonies and the plantacions thereof; yeilding therefore yerelie to us, our heires and successors, the fifte parte onelie of all the same goulde and silver and the fifteenth parte of all the same copper soe to be gotten or had, as is aforesaid, and without anie other manner of profitt or accompte to be given or yeilded to us, our heires or successors, for or in respecte of the same. And that they shall or lawfullie may establishe and cawse to be made a coine, to passe currant there betwene the people of those severall Colonies for the more ease of trafiique and bargaining betweene and amongest them and the natives there, of such mettall and in such manner and forme as the same severall Counsells there shall limitt and appointe. And wee doe likewise for us, our heires and successors, by theise presents give full power and auctoritie to the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sumers, Richarde Hackluit, Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, Thomas Hannam, Raleighe Gilberde, William Parker and George Popham, and to everie of them, and to the saide severall Companies, plantacions and Colonies, that they and everie of them shall and may at all and everie time and times hereafter have, take and leade in the saide voyage, and for and towardes the saide severall plantacions and Colonies, and to travell thitherwarde and to abide and inhabit there in everie of the saide Colonies and plantacions, such and somanie of our subjectes as shall willinglie accompanie them, or anie of them, in the saide voyages and plantacions, with sufficiente shipping and furniture of armour, weapon, ordonnance, powder, victall, and all other thinges necessarie for the saide plantacions and for theire use and defence there: provided alwaies that none of the said parsons be such as hereafter shalbe speciallie restrained by us, our heires or successors. Moreover, wee doe by theise presents, for us, our heires and successors, give and grannte licence unto the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sumers, Richarde Hackluite, Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, Thomas Hannam, Raleighe Gilberde, William Parker and George Popham, and to everie of the said Colinies, that they and everie of them shall and may, from time to time and at all times for ever hereafter, for theire severall defences, incounter or expulse, repell and resist, aswell by sea as by lande, by all waies and meanes whatsoever, all and everie suche parson and parsons as without espiciall licence of the said severall Colonies and plantacions shall attempte to inhabit within the saide severall precincts and limitts of the saide severall Colonies and plantacions, or anie of them, or that shall enterprise or attempt at anie time hereafter the hurte, detrimente or annoyance of the saide severall Colonies or plantacions. Giving and grannting by theise presents unto the saide Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richarde Hackluite, and Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, and theire associates of the said Firste Colonie, and unto the said Thomas Hannam, Raleighe Gilberde, William Parker and George Popham, and theire associates of the saide Second Colonie, and to everie of them from time to time and at all times for ever hereafter, power and auctoritie to take and surprize by all waies and meanes whatsoever all and everie parson and parsons with theire shipps, vessels, goods and other furniture, which shalbe founde traffiqueing into anie harbor or harbors, creeke, creekes or place within the limitts or precincts of the saide severall Colonies and plantacions, not being of the same Colonie, untill such time as they, being of anie realmes or dominions under our obedience, shall paie or agree to paie to the handes of the Tresorer of the Colonie, within whose limitts and precincts theie shall soe traffique, twoe and a halfe upon anie hundred of anie thing soe by them traffiqued, boughte or soulde; and being stranngers and not subjects under our obeysannce, untill they shall paie five upon everie hundred of suche wares and commoditie as theie shall traffique, buy or sell within the precincts of the saide severall Colonies wherein theie shall soe traffique, buy or sell, as aforesaide; which sommes of money or benefitt, as aforesaide, for and during the space of one and twentie yeres nexte ensuing the date hereof shalbe whollie imploied to the use, benefitt and behoofe of the saide severall plantacions where such trafficque shalbe made; and after the saide one and twentie yeres ended the same shalbe taken to the use of us, our heires and successors by such officer and minister as by us, our heires and successors shalbe thereunto assigned or appointed. And wee doe further, by theise presentes, for us, our heires and successors, give and grannte unto the saide Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sumers, Richarde Hackluit, and Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, and to theire associates of the saide Firste Colonie and plantacion, and to the saide Thomas Hannam, Raleighe Gilberde, William Parker and George Popham, and theire associates of the saide Seconde Colonie and plantacion, that theie and everie of them by theire deputies, ministers and factors may transport the goods, chattells, armor, munition and furniture, needfull to be used by them for theire saide apparrell, defence or otherwise in respecte of the saide plantacions, out of our realmes of Englande and Irelande and all other our dominions from time to time, for and during the time of seaven yeres nexte ensuing the date hereof for the better releife of the said severall Colonies and plantacions, without anie custome, subsidie or other dutie unto us, our heires or successors to be yeilded or paide for the same. Alsoe wee doe, for us, our heires and successors, declare by theise presentes that all and everie the parsons being our subjects which shall dwell and inhabit within everie or anie of the saide severall Colonies and plantacions and everie of theire children which shall happen to be borne within the limitts and precincts of the said severall Colonies and plantacions shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises and immunites within anie of our other dominions to all intents and purposes as if they had been abiding and borne within this our realme of Englande or anie other of our saide dominions. Moreover our gracious will and pleasure is, and wee doe by theise presents, for us, our heires and successors, declare and sett forthe, that if anie parson or parsons which shalbe of anie of the said Colonies and plantacions or anie other, which shall trafficque to the saide Colonies and plantacions or anie of them, shall at anie time or times hereafter transporte anie wares, marchandize or commodities out of [any] our dominions with a pretence and purpose to lande, sell or otherwise dispose the same within anie the limitts and precincts of anie of the saide Colonies and plantacions, and yet nevertheles being at the sea or after he hath landed the same within anie of the said Colonies and plantacions, shall carrie the same into any other forraine countrie with a purpose there to sell or dispose of the same without the licence of us, our heires or successors in that behalfe first had or obtained, that then all the goods and chattels of the saide parson or parsons soe offending and transporting, together with the said shippe or vessell wherein suche transportacion was made, shall be forfeited to us, our heires and successors. Provided alwaies, and our will and pleasure is and wee doe hereby declare to all Christian kinges, princes and estates, that if anie parson or parsons which shall hereafter be of anie of the said severall Colonies and plantacions, or anie other, by his, theire, or anie of theire licence or appointment, shall at anie time or times hereafter robb or spoile by sea or by lande or doe anie acte of unjust and unlawfull hostilitie to anie the subjects of us, our heires or successors, or anie of the subjects of anie king, prince, ruler, governor or state being then in league or amitie with us, our heires or successors, and that upon suche injurie or upon juste complainte of such prince, ruler, governor or state or their subjects, wee, our heires or successors, shall make open proclamation within anie the ports of our realme of Englande, commodious for that purpose, that the saide parson or parsons having committed anie such robberie or spoile shall, within the terme to be limitted by suche proclamations, make full restitucion or satisfaction of all suche injuries done, soe as the saide princes or others soe complained may houlde themselves fully satisfied and contented; and that if the saide parson or parsons having committed such robberie or spoile shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly with[in] such time soe to be limitted, that then it shalbe lawfull to us, our heires and successors to put the saide parson or parsons having committed such robberie or spoile and theire procurers, abbettors or comfortors out of our allegeannce and protection; and that it shalbe lawefull and free for all princes and others to pursue with hostilitie the saide offenders and everie of them and theire and everie of theire procurors, aiders, abbettors and comforters in that behalfe. And finallie wee doe, for us, our heires and successors, grannte and agree, to and with the saide Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sumers, Richarde Hackluit and Edwarde Maria Winghfeilde, and all other of the saide Firste Colonie, that wee, our heires or successors, upon peticion in that behalfe to be made, shall, by lettres patents under the Greate [Seale] of Englande, give and grannte unto such parsons, theire heires and assignees, as the Counsell of that Colonie or the most part of them shall for that purpose nomminate and assigne, all the landes, tenements and hereditaments which shalbe within the precincts limitted for that Colonie, as is aforesaid, to be houlden of us, our heires and successors as of our mannor of Eastgreenwiche in the countie of Kente, in free and common soccage onelie and not in capite. And doe, in like manner, grannte and agree, for us, our heires and successors, to and with the saide Thomas Hannam, Raleighe Gilberd, William Parker and George Popham, and all others of the saide Seconde Colonie, that wee, our heires [and] successors, upon petition in that behalfe to be made, shall, by lettres patentes under the Great Seale of Englande, give and grannte unto such parsons, theire heires and assignees, as the Counsell of that Colonie or the most parte of them shall for that purpose nomminate and assigne, all the landes, tenementes and hereditaments which shalbe within the precinctes limited for that Colonie as is afore said, to be houlden of us, our heires and successors as of our mannor of Eastgreenwich in the countie of Kente, in free and common soccage onelie and not in capite. All which landes, tenements and hereditaments soe to be passed by the saide severall lettres patents, shalbe, by sufficient assurances from the same patentees, soe distributed and devided amongest the undertakers for the plantacion of the said severall Colonies, and such as shall make theire plantacion in either of the said severall Colonies, in such manner and forme and for such estates as shall [be] ordered and sett [downe] by the Counsell of the same Colonie, or the most part of them, respectively, within which the same lands, tenements and hereditaments shall ly or be. Althoughe expresse mencion [of the true yearly value or certainty of the premises, or any of them, or of any other gifts or grants, by us or any our progenitors or predecessors, to the aforesaid Sir Thomas Gates, Knt. Sir George Somers, Knt. Richard Hackluit, Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, or any of them, heretofore made, in these presents, is not made; or any statute, act, ordnance, or provision, proclamation, or restraint, to the contrary hereof had, made, ordained, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding.] In witnesse wherof [we have caused these our letters to be made patents;] witnesse our selfe at Westminister the xth day of Aprill [1606, in the fourth year of our reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the nine and thirtieth.]

The Charter Of Acadia December 18, 1603 The Charter of Acadia Henry, by the grace of God, King of France & Navarre: To our beloved & loyal Councillors the Officers of our Admiralty of Normandy, Brittany, Picardy & Guienne, & to each of them in their own right, & in the area of their jurisdictions; Greetings. We have, for many important occasions, ordered, committed & established the Sieur de Monts, Gentleman Ordinary of our House, our Lieutenant General to populate & inhabit the lands, coasts & countries of Acadia, & other surrounding areas, in the extent of the fortieth degree up to the forty-sixth, & there to establish our authority, & otherwise to be housed & assured; so that our subjects may henceforth be received, haunt, reside & trade with the Indians inhabiting the said places, as we have more expressly declared by our letters patent, dispatched & delivered for this purpose to the said Sieur de Monts on the eighth day of November last, in accordance with the conditions & articles, in return for which he has taken charge of the conduct & execution of this undertaking. To facilitate this, & to those who joined him in it, & to give them some means & convenience to support the expense; We were pleased to promise & assure them that no other of our subjects, than those who enter into association with him to make the said expense, would be allowed to trade in furs & other merchandise for ten years, in the lands, countries, ports, rivers & avenues of the extent of his charge; which we wish to have happen. We, for these causes & other considerations to which we are moved, mandate & order that you have, each of you in the extent of your powers, jurisdictions & straits, to do on our part, as of our full power & Royal authority, we make very express inhibitions & prohibitions to all merchants, masters & captains of ships, sailors & other our subjects of whatever state, quality & condition they may be, other nevertheless & except for those who have entered into association with the aforementioned Sieur de Monts for the aforementioned enterprise, according to the articles & conventions of the aforementioned, by us, as stated; to equip any vessels, & in them to go or send to trade & barter furs, & other things with the Indians, to frequent, negotiate & communicate during the said period of ten years, from the Cape of Raze, to the fortieth degree, including all the coast of Acadia, land & Cape Breton, St. Clair Bay, Chaleur, the pierced isles, Gaspay, Chichedec, Mesamichi, Lesquemine, Tadoussac & the river of Canada, both on one side and the other, & all the bays and rivers that enter the said coasts, under penalty of disobedience, & complete confiscation of their vessels, food, weapons & merchandise, for the benefit of the said Sieur de Monts & his associates, & a fine of thirty thousand pounds. For the assurance & acquittal of which, & of the coherence & punishment of their disobedience, you will allow, as we have also allowed & permit, the said Sieur de Monts & associates, to seize, apprehend & arrest all the contraveners of our present defense & ordinance, & their vessels, merchandise, weapons & victuals, to bring them & hand them over to the hands of justice, This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 2 Annotation: Granted by Henry IV of France to Pierre Dugua, Sieur de Mons, giving him a monopoly over trade and the authority to colonize the region known as Acadia in northeastern North America. The charter empowered De Mons to establish settlements, govern the territory, and promote both economic development—especially the fur trade—and the spread of Catholicism. It laid the foundation for early French colonization efforts in the region, including the establishment of settlements such as Port Royal. The charter also reflected France’s broader imperial goals of competing with other European powers and expanding its influence in the Atlantic world. Its purpose was to formalize French claims in North America, encourage settlement through exclusive trading rights, and create a structured colonial administration under royal authority. Author: Henry IV of France — Frans Pourbus 1610 Recipient: Pierre Dugua, Sieur de Mons Transcript Source: https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/thorpe-the-federal-and-state-constitutions-vol-iii-kentucky-massachusetts#lf1514-03_head_288 & to be proceeded with, as much against the persons as against the goods of the said disobedience, as it will be appropriate: which we want, & mandate & order you to have it incontinently published & read by all the places & public places of your said powers & jurisdictions where you will judge need to be, so that none of our said subjects can claim cause of ignorance, but that each one obeys & conforms on this to our will; to do this we have given & give you power & commission & special mandate: For such is our pleasure. Given in Paris, on the eighteenth of December, in the year of grace one thousand six hundred and three, & of our reign the fifteenth, thus signed Henry. And below, By the King, Potier. And sealed with the great seal of yellow wax. Translated by Nour Chbany Original French: Henry, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de France & de Navarre: A nos amés & féaux Conseillers les Officiers de notre Admirauté de Normandie, Bretagne, Picardie & Guienne, & à chacun d’eux en droit soi, & en l’étenue de leurs ressorts & jurisdictions; Salut. Nous avons pour beaucoup d’importantes occasions, ordonné, commis & établi le sieur de Monts, Gentilhomme ordinaire de notre Chambre, notre Lieutenant général pour peupler & habiter les terres, côtes & pays de l’Acadie, & autres circonvoisins, en l’étendue du quarantième degré jusqu’au quarante-sixième, & là établir notre autorité, & autrement s’y loger & assurer; en sorte que nos sujets desormais y puissent être reçûs, y hanter, résider & trafiquer avec les Sauvages habitans desdits lieux, comme plus expressément nous l’avons déclaré par nos lettres patentes, expédiées & délivrées pour cet effet audit sieur de Monts le huitième jour de novembre dernier, suivant les conditions & articles, moyennant lesquelles il s’est chargé de la conduite & exécution de cette entreprise. Pour faciliter laquelle, & à ceux qui s’y [1620] sont joints avec lui, & leur donner quelque moyen & commodité d’en supporter la dépense; Nous avons eu agréable de leur promettre & assurer qu’il ne seroit permis à aucuns autres nos sujets, qu’à ceux qui entreroient en association avec lui pour faire ladite dépense, de trafiquer de pelleterie & autres marchandises durant dix années, ès terres, pays, ports, rivières & avenues de l’étendue de sa charge; ce que nous voulons avoir lieu. Nous, pour ces causes & autres considérations à ce nous mouvans, vous mandons & ordonnons que vous ayez, chacun de vous en l’étendue de vos pouvoirs, jurisdictions & détroits, à faire de notre part, comme de notre pleine puissance & autorité Royale, nous faisons très-expresses inhibitions & défenses à tous marchands, maîtres & Capitaines de navires, matelots & autres nos sujets de quelque état, qualité & condition qu’ils soient, autres néanmoins & fors à ceux qui sont entrés en association avec ledit sieur de Monts pour ladite entreprise, selon les articles & conventions d’icelles, par nous arrêtés, ainsi que dit est; d’equiper aucuns vaisseaux, & en iceux aller ou envoyer faire trafic & troque de pelleterie, & autres choses avec les Sauvages, fréquenter, négocier & communiquer durant ledit temps de dix ans, depuis le cap de Raze, jusqu’au quarantième degré, comprenant toute la côte de l’Acadie, terre & Cap-Breton, baie de Saint-Cler, de Chaleur, isles percées, Gaspay, Chichedec, Mesamichi, Lesquemin, Tadoussac & la rivière de Canada, tant d’un côté que d’autre, & toutes les baies et rivières qui entrent au dedans desdites costes, à peine de desobéissance, & confiscation entière de leurs vaisseaux, vivres, armes & marchandises, au profit dudit sieur de Monts & de ses associés, & de trente mille livres d’amende. Pour l’assurance & acquit de laquelle, & de la cohertion & punition de leur desobéissance, vous permettrez, comme nous avons aussi permis & permettons, audit sieur de Monts & associés, de saisir, appréhender & arrêter tous les contrevenans à notre présente défense & ordonnance, & leurs vaisseaux, marchandises, armes & victuailles, pour les amener & remettre ès mains de la justice, & être procédé, tant contre les personnes que contre les biens desdits desobéissans, ainsi qu’il appartiendra: ce que nous voulons, & vous mandons & ordonnons de faire incontinent publier & lire par tous les lieux & endroits publics de vosdits pouvoirs & jurisdictions où vous jugerez besoin être, à ce qu’aucun de nosdits sujets n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, ains que chacun obéisse & se conforme sur ce à notre volonté; de ce faire nous vous avons donné & donnons pouvoir & commission & mandement spécial: Car tel est notre plaisir. Donné à Paris, le dixhuit décembre, l’an de grace mil cix cens trois, & de notre règne le quinzième, ainsi signé Henry. Et plus bas, Par le Roi, Potier. Et scellé du grand scel de cire jaulne.

Charter to Sir Walter Raleigh March 25, 1584 Charter to Sir Walter Raleigh ELIZABETH by the Grace of God of England, Fraunce and Ireland Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whome these presents shall come, greeting. Knowe yee that of our especial grace, certaine science, and meere motion, we haue given and graunted, and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, we giue and graunt to our trustie and welbeloued seruant Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires assignee for euer, free libertie and licence from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to discover, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian Prince, nor inhabited by Christian People, as to him, his heires and assignee, and to every or any of them shall seeme good, and the same to haue, horde, occupie and enjoy to him, his heires and assignee for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises, and preheminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land, whatsoever we by our letters patents may graunt, and as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore graunted to any person or persons, bodies politique.or corporate: and the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, and all such as from time to time, by licence of us, our heires and successors, shall goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, the statutes or acte of Parliament made against fugitives, or against such as shall depart, romaine or continue out of our Realme of England without licence, or any other statute, acte, lawe, or any ordinance whatsoever to the contrary in anywise notwithstanding. And we do likewise by these presents, of our especial grace, meere motion, and certain knowledge, for us, our heires and successors, giue and graunt full authoritie, libertie and power to the said Walter Salem, his heires and assignee, and every of them, that he and they, and euery or any of them, shall and may at all and euery time, and times hereafter, haue, take, and leade in the saide voyage, and trauaile thitherward, or to inhabit there with him, or them, and euery or any of them, such and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompanie him or them, and euery or any of them to whom also we doe by these presents, giue full libertie and authority in that behalfe, and also to hare, take, and employ, and vse This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter 1 Annotation: Elizabeth I granted a charter to Sir Walter Raleigh, authorizing him to discover, occupy, and govern remote lands not already claimed by a Christian prince, shortly after the death of his half-brother Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1583. The charter empowered Raleigh to establish colonies and exercise civil authority over settlers, laying the legal groundwork for England’s first sustained attempts at colonization in North America. Author: Queen Elizabeth I, “The Armada Portrait” (Circa 1588, Woburn Abbey) Recipient: Sir Walter Raleigh Transcript Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/16th_century/raleigh.asp suflicient shipping and furniture for the Transportations and Nauigations in that behalfe, so that none of the same persons or any of them, be such as hereafter shall be restrained by us, our heires, or successors. And further that the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, and euery of them, shall haue holde, occupie, and enioye to him, his heires and assignee, and euery of them for euer, all the soile of all such lands, territories, and Countreis, so to bee discovered and possessed as aforesaide, and of all such Cities, castles, townes, villages, and places in the same, with the right, royalties, franchises, and iurisdictions, as well marine as other within the saide lances, or Countreis, or the seas thereunto adioyning, to be had, or used, with full power to dispose thereof, and of euery part in fee-simple or otherwise, according to the order of the lawes of England, as neere as the same conveniently may bee, at his, and their will and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that shall romaine within the allegiance of us, our heires, and successors: resewing always to us our heires, and successors, for all services, duties, and demaundes, the lift part of all the oare of golde and siluer, that from time to time, and at all times after such discouerie, subduing and possessing, shal be there gotten and obtained: All which lances, Countreis, and territories, shall for ever be holden of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, of us, our heirs and successors, by homage, and by the said paiment of the said fift part, resewed onely for all services. And moreover, we doe by these presents, for us, our heires and. successors, giue and graunt licence to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, and assignee, and euery of them, that he, and they, and euery or any of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist as well by sea as by lance, and by all other wayes whatsoever, all, and every such person and persons whatsoever, as without the especiall liking and licence of the saide Walter Ralegh, and of his heires and assignee, shall attempt to inhabite within the said Countreis, or any of them, or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such Countreis as aforesaide (if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesaide with the subjects of any Christian Prince being in amitie with us) where the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires, or assignee, or any of them, or his, or their or any of their associates or company, shall within sine yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoy, either by sea or lance, the saide Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assignee. or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or their companies giuing, and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie, to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assignee, and euery of them from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoever, all and euery those person or persons, with their shipper, vessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the saide Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or assignee, as aforesaide, shalbe founde trafiquing into any harbour or harbors, creeke, or creekes, within the limits aforesaide, (the subjects of our Realms and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie with us, trading to the Newfound land for fishing as heretofore they haue commonly used, or being driven by force of a tempest, or shipwracke onely excepted:) and those persons, and euery of them, with their shippes, vessels, goods and furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize, according to the discretion of him the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignee, and euery, or any of them. And for uniting in more perfect league and amitie, of such Countreis, lances, and territories so to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesaide with our Realmes of Englande, and Ireland, and the better incouragement of men to these enterprises: we do by these presents, graunt and declare that all such Countreis, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is aforesaide, from thencefoorth shall bee of the allegiance of vs. our heires and successours. And wee doe graunt to the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignee, and to all, and euery of them, and to all and euery other person, and persons being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our Courtes of recorde within our Realme of Englande, that with the assentof the saide Walter Ralegh,his heires or assignes, shall in his journeis for discouerie, or in the iourneis for conquest, hereafter trauelle to such lands, countreis and territories, as aforesaide, and to their, and to euery of their heires, that they, and every or any of them, being either borne within our saide Realmes of Englande, or Irelande or in any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inliabiting within any the lands, Countreis, and territories, with such licence (as aforesaide) shall and may haue all the priniledges of free Denizens, and persons native of England, and within our allegiance in such like ample manor and fourme, as if they were borne and personally resident within our saide Realme of England, any lawe, custome, or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding And for asmuch as upon the finding out, discovering, or inhabiting of such remote lands, countreis, and territories as aforesaid, it shal be necessary for the safetie of al men, that shal aduenture them selues in those murnies or voyages, to determine to line together in Christian peace, and ciuil quietnes ech with other, whereby euery one may with snore pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto they shall attaine with great Paine and perill, we for vs. our heires and successors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee for ever, that tree and they, and euery or any of them, shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter, within the said mentioned remote lances and Countreis in the way by the seas thither, and from thence, inane full and meere power and authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, gouerne, and rule by their and euery or any of their good discretions and pollicies, as well in causes capital, or criminal!, as ciuil, both marine and other all such our subjects as shall from time to time aduenture themselves in the said iournies or voyages, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lances, countreis, or territories as aforesaide, or shall abide within 200. leagues of any of the saide place or places, where the saide Walter Raleqh, his heires or assignee, or any of them, or any of his or their associates or companies, shall inhabits within 6. yeeres next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordinances, as shall bee by him the saide Walter Raleqh his heires and assignee, and euery or any of them deuised, or established, for the better government of the said people as aforesaid. So always as the said statutes, lawes, and ordinances may be as neere as conveniently may be, agreeable to the forme of the lawes, statutes, governement, or pollicie of England, and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed in the Church of England, nor in any wise to withdraws any of the subjects or people of those lances or places from the allegiance of vs. our heires and successours, as their immediate Soueraigne vnder God. And further, wee doe bv these presents for vs. our heires and successors, giue and graunt full power and authoritie to our trustie and welbeloued counsailer sir William Cicill knight, Lorde Burghley, our high Treasourer of England, and to the Lorde Treasourer of England, for vs. our heires and successors for the time being, and to the priuie Counsell, of us, our heirs and successours, or any foure or more o f them for the time being, that tree, they, or any fours or more of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their handes or scales by vertue of these presents, authorise and licence the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee. and euery or any of them by him, and by themselves, or by their, of any of their sufficient Atturnies, deputies, officers, ministers, factors. and servants, to imbarke and transport out of our Realme of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof all, or any of his, or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associate and companies, and euery or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes, as to the saide Lorde Treasourer, or foure or more of the priuie Counsaile, of vs. our heires and successors for the time being (as aforesaide) shalbe from time to time by his or their wisdomes, or discretions thought meete and convenient, for the better reliefe and supportation of him the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignee, and euery or any of them, and of his or their or any of their associate and companies, any acte, statute, lawe, or other thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, and wee do hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes and states, that if the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignee, or any of them, or any other lay their licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter. robbe or spoile by sea or by lance, or do any acte of unjust or unlawful hostilitie, to any of the subjects of vs. our heires or successors, or to any of the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, governors, or estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with us, our heires and successors, and that upon such injury, or upon lust complaint of any such prince, ruler, governoir, or estate, or their subjects, wee, our heires and successours, shall make open proclamation within any the Fortes of our Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, and adherents, or any to whome these our letters patents may extende, shall within the termes to be Emitted, by such proclamation, make full restitution, and satisfaction of all such inJuries done, so as both we and the said princes, or other so complayning, may horde vs and themselves fully contented. And that if the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to be limitted, that then it shall be lawfull to us our heires and successors, to put the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignee and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the said places to be discovered (as is aforesaide) or any of them out of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection the said Walter Rategh, his heires, assignee and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shaL be out of our allegeance and protection, and free for all princes and others, to pursue with hostilitie, as being not our subjects, nor by vs any way to be avouched, maintained or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection or dominion, or allegiance any way belonging, for that expresse mention of the cleer yeerely value of tile certaintie of the premisses, or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or grant by vs. or any our progenitors, or predecessors to the said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents be not expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restraint to the contrarye thereof, before this time giuen, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof, we haue caused these our letters to be made patents. Witnesse our selues, at Westminster, the 25. day of March, in the sixe and twentieth yeere of our Raigne.

Hernan Cortés Second Letter to Charles I October 30, 1520 Second Letter to Charles I Very Great and Powerful, and Very Catholic Prince, Most Invincible Emperor, Our Lord. In a ship, which I despatched from this Your Sacred Majesty's New Spain, on the sixteenth of July 1519, I sent to Your Royal Highness a very long and particular account of everything which had happened from the time of my arrival here until that time; this said account was taken by Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero, and Francisco de Montejo, procurators of the Rica Villa de la Vera Cruz, which I had founded in the name of Your Royal Highness. Having had no opportunity since then, not only for the want of ships, and being myself occupied in the conquest and pacification of this country, but also because nothing has been heard of the said ships and the procurators, I have related nothing more to Your Majesty concerning what has since been done. God knows the pain which this has caused me, for I have wished that Your Highness should understand the affairs of this country, which is so great and important, since, as I have already said in my other account, it is no less worthy to warrant your assuming anew the title of Emperor, than is Germany, of which, by the grace of God, Your Sacred Majesty already possesses the title. It would entail going on indefinitely, were I to attempt to tell Your Highness all the particulars, and everything relating to these parts and new kingdoms, and everything in them worthy to be told; I beg Your Sacred Majesty to hold me pardoned, if I do not give so full an account to Your Highness as I ought, because neither my ability, nor my opportunity at this time, favour my doing so. I shall, nevertheless, endeavour to tell Your Highness the truth in the best manner possible, and what, for the present, is necessary that Your Majesty should know; and I must likewise crave Your Highness's pardon if I do not recount all that is necessary, the precise when and how, and if I should not specify some names, not only of cities and towns, but also of provinces which, giving themselves for your subjects and vassals, have offered their allegiance to Your Majesty. This I beg, because, in a certain recent misfortune, of which I will hereafter in this writing give a full account to Your Highness, I have lost all my papers, and the official agreements, which I had made with the natives of this country, besides many other things. In my other account, Most Excellent Prince, I told Your Majesty of all the cities and towns which until then had offered themselves to your royal service, and which I held subjugated and conquered for you. I also mentioned that I had information of a great lord called Montezuma, of whom the natives of this country had told me, and who lived, according to their computation of distances, about ninety or a hundred leagues from the coast and port where I had disembarked; and that, confiding in the greatness of God, and relying on the power of Your Highness's Royal name, I had decided to go and see him, wherever he might be. I even remember that I offered, so far as this lord was concerned, to accomplish the impossible, for I vowed to Your Royal Highness, that I would have him prisoner, or dead, or subject to the Royal Crown of Your Majesty. This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter I Hernan Cortés Second Letter to Charles I (1524 Published Edition) Annotation: Between 1519 and 1526, Hernán Cortés sent five detailed letters to Charles V, describing his conquest of Mexico while presenting his actions in a favorable light and emphasizing his service to the crown. His second letter, dated October 30, 1520 and printed in 1524, recounts his first meeting with Montezuma II and describes the wealth and scale of Tenochtitlán, including one of the earliest published maps of the city before its destruction in 1521. Author: Hernan Cortés Recipient: King Charles I of Spain (Charles V of the HRE) Transcript Source: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Letters_of_Cortes_to_Emperor_Charles_V_-_Vol_1/Second_Letter,_October_30,_1520 With this purpose and determination, I left the city of Cempoal, which I had named Seville, on the sixteenth of August, with fifteen horsemen, and three hundred foot soldiers, all equipped for war, as to best I was able, and as time permitted. I left in the town of Vera Cruz, two horsemen, and one hundred and fifty men, engaged in building a fort, which I have now almost finished, and I left all that province of Cempoal, and all the neighbouring mountain regions near the said town, which contained some fifty thousand warriors, and fifty towns and forts, all well pacified, and secure, and very devoted as loyal vassals of Your Majesty, such as they have been, and are, until now. According to my information, they were subjects of that lord, Montezuma, by force, and since a short time only, and, when they learned from me of Your Highness's great and royal power, they declared they wished to become vassals of Your Royal Majesty, and my friends, and they prayed me to protect them against that great lord, who held them subject by force and tyranny, and took away their sons, to kill and sacrifice them to their idols; and making many other complaints against him. Thus, they are, and have continued, very, firm and loyal in the service of Your Highness, and I believe they will always remain so, not only to escape from his tyranny, but also because they have always been well treated and favoured by me. For the greater security of those who remained at Vera Cruz I brought some of their principal men, and some of their people with me, who have been not a little useful to me on the road. Destruction of the Fleet I believe I have already written to Your Majesty, in my first account, that some of my company, who had been servants and friends of Diego Velasquez, were vexed by what I had accomplished in the service of Your Highness, and some of them even wanted to rebel, and desert me in the country; especially four Spaniards who were called Juan Escudero, Diego Cermeño, a pilot, Gonzalo de Ungria, also a pilot, and Alonzo Peñate. These, as they voluntarily confessed, had determined to seize a brigantine, then in the port, with a certain quantity of bread and meat, to kill the master of it, and return to the island of Femandina, that they might report to Diego Velasquez that I was sending to Your Royal Highness the ship, which I sent with what it contained, and the course it would take. This was to enable the said Diego Velasquez to put ships on guard, for the purpose of capturing it, as he did when he afterwards came to know it, for, as I was informed, he sent a caravel after the said ship, which would have been captured, if it had not already passed. And they likewise confessed, that other persons shared the same wish to warn the said Diego Velasquez. Having seen the confessions of these delinquents, I punished them according to justice, and as it seemed to me the needs of the times, and the interests of Your Royal Highness's service demanded. Besides those, who acted thus because they were servants and friends of Diego Velasquez, there were others who wanted to leave on seeing how large and populous the country was, while the Spaniards were so few. Believing that, if I left the ships there, they would revolt with them, and, all those of like mind deserting, I would be left almost alone, by which the great service which I had rendered to God and Your Highness in this country would be undone, I determined, on the pretext that they were unseaworthy, to have the said ships beached. Thus, everybody lost hope of ever leaving the country, and I set out on my march, securely, without fear that, when I turned my back, the people whom I had left in the town would fail me. Eight or ten days after having beached the ships, and when I had gone to the city of Cempoal, which is about four leagues distant, whence to continue my march, they brought me news in that town, that four ships were running along the coast, and that the captain, whom I had left there, had gone out to them in a boat. I had been told that they belonged to Francisco de Garay, Lieutenant, and Governor of the Island of Jamaica, and had come to make discoveries. My captain had told them, that I had already settled the country in the name of Your Highness, and had laid out a town about a league from where the said ships were, where they could go and make their arrival known to me, and there make any repairs they might need. He said he would conduct them in his barque to the port, pointing out to them where it was. They had answered him, that they had already seen the port, having passed in front of it, and that they would do as he said, so he had returned with the barque, but the ships had not followed him nor come to the port. They had still sailed along the coast, and, as they had not entered the port, he did not know what object they had in view. Within an hour after hearing what the said captain made known to me, I left for Vera Cruz, where I learned that the ships were anchored about three leagues down the coast, and that no one had landed. I then went along the coast with some people, to reconnoitre, and, when I was about one league from the ships, I met three men from them, amongst whom there was one who called himself a notary public, who told me he had brought the other two as witnesses to a certain notification and requirement with which he said their captain had ordered him to serve me on his behalf, and which he had brought with him. They desired to make it known to me, that he had discovered that country, and wished to settle in it, for which reason he required me to define the boundaries with him, as he wished to make his settlement down the coast five leagues below Nautical, which is a city now called Almeria, twelve leagues from Vera Cruz. I answered that their captain should come with his ships to the port of Vera Cruz, where we could talk, and I would learn his intentions, and, if his ships and people needed anything, I would help them with what I could. Inasmuch as he said that he had come in the service of Your Sacred Majesty, I only desired that occasion should be given me to serve Your Highness, and, in helping him, I believed that I would do this. They replied, that neither the captain, nor any of his people, would on any account land and here that I might be. Believing that they must have done some harm in the country, inasmuch as they were afraid to come before me, when night came on I hid myself near the coast, opposite to where the said ships were anchored. There I remained concealed until the next day about noon, expecting the captain or his pilot to come on shore, from whom I would learn what they had been doing, and where they had been, intending, that if they had done any harm in the country, to send them to Your Sacred Majesty; but neither they nor anyone else ever landed. Seeing that they did not come, I made some of my Spaniards put on the clothes of those who had come to make me the requirements, and directed them to go to the beach, and signal to those on board the ships. As soon as these were observed by those on board, a barque, carrying some ten or twelve men, armed with arquebuses and muskets, came towards the land. The Spaniards who were calling from the shore retired from the beach to some bushes near by, as if to take shelter in their shade, and thus four landed, two men with arquebuses, and two with muskets. These were surrounded, and taken prisoners by the people whom I had placed on the beach. One of the captives, the master of the ship, tried to fire his weapon, and would have killed my captain of Vera Cruz, but that, by Our Lord's will, the fuse did not burn. Those who had remained in the boat, put to sea, but before they could reach their ships, sail had been set, without waiting, or troubling to hear anything about them. I learned from my prisoners, how they had arrived at a river, which is some thirty leagues down the coast, after passing Almeria, and had had a good reception there from the natives, and had traded for some provisions, and seen some gold which the Indians wore, although it was scarce, that they had obtained by trading, as much as three thousand castellanos worth of gold, and that they had not landed, but had seen certain towns on the banks of the river so near, that they could distinguish them well from the ships, and that there were no buildings of stone, the houses being of thatch, but very high and well built. All this I knew more fully afterwards, through that great lord Montezuma, and from certain interpreters from that country whom he had about him. I took these men, and an Indian whom they had brought in their ships from the said river, and sent them, with other messengers of the said Montezuma, to the lord of that river, called Panuco, to win him to Your Sacred Majesty's service. With them, he sent me back a chief who, it was said, was chief of a town, who brought me on behalf of his lord certain stuffs, and stones, and feathers, telling me that he and all his people would be very happy to become vassals of Your Majesty, and my friends. I in turn presented them with some things from Spain, which so satisfied him, that, when some other ships of the said Francisco de Garay arrived (of which I will make relation to Your Highness hereafter), the said Panuco sent me word that those ships were in another river, some five or six days' journey from that place, asking that I should tell him whether those who had come in them belonged to me, so that he might give them whatever they needed, and that he already had sent some women and chickens and other provisions. I marched, Very Powerful Lord, three days through the country and lordship of Cempoal, where I was well received, and entertained by the natives, and, on the fourth day, I arrived in the province called Sienchimalen, where there is a very strong town ably fortified. It is situated on the side of a steep mountain slope, and is approached by a single pass of steps, by which it is impossible to enter except on foot, and even thus with great difficulty, if the natives wished to defend it. In the plains, there are many hamlets and villages, with five, three, and two hundred families, which will furnish altogether some five or six thousand warriors; and they are subject to the rule of Montezuma. Here, they received me very well, and courteously gave me the necessary provisions for my march, saying that they knew very well I was going to see Montezuma their lord, and that I might rest assured he was my friend, for he had ordered them, in every case, to give me a good reception, as by so doing they would render him a seryice. I thanked them for their courtesy, saying that Your Majesty already knew of Montezuma, and had ordered me to visit him. I next crossed a pass, which is at the end of this province, and to which we gave the name of Puerto del Nombre de Dios, on account of its being the first we have traversed in this country. So steep, and so high, is it, that in all Spain there is none so difficult. I passed with entire safety, and without any opposition, and, on the descent of the said pass, there are other hamlets belonging to a town and fort, called Ceycocnacan, which also belongs to Montezuma. Here we were as well received as we had been at Sienchimalen, and the people repeated what the others had told us of Montezuma's good will, and I satisfied them in the same manner. Thence I travelled three days through a desert, which, on account of its sterility, and want of water, and the very great cold which prevails, is uninhabitable; where God knows all the trouble which the men suffered from hunger and thirst, especially from tempests of hail and rain which overtook us, making me fear that many people would die of cold; and certain Indians from the Island of Fernandina did die, because they were ill-clad. At the end of these three days, we traversed another pass, although not so steep as the first one, on the top of which was a small tower an oratory, where were kept certain idols, and around the tower were more than a thousand loads of cut wood, very well piled up, so we named it the Paso de la Leña. On the descent of the said pass, between some very rough mountain chains, there is a very populous valley, the people of which seem to be poor. After having marched about three leagues through the settlement without seeing anything of them, I arrived at a somewhat more level place, where it seemed the chief of that valley lived, and which had the largest and best built houses we had till then seen in this country, for they were of hewn stone, quite new, and had very large and beautiful rooms, and many well-arranged apartments. This valley and its people are called Caltanmi. I was very well received, and lodged by the chief and his people. After having spoken to him on the part of Your Majesty, and told him the cause of my coming to these parts, I asked him if he also was a vassal of Montezuma's, or if he belonged to some other dominion. He, wondering at what I asked him, answered me, "And who is not a vassal of Montezuma's?" as much as to say that he was the sovereign of the world. I then replied, and told him about the vast power and jurisdiction of Your Majesty, and of all the many and greater lords than Montezuma who were vassals of Your Highness, even considering it as no small privilege to be so, as would Montezuma, and all the natives of these parts, likewise have to be; and thus I required him to be because he would then be much honoured and favoured, while on the contrary if he were unwilling to obey he would be punished. In recognition of his vassalage, I asked him to give me some gold to be sent to Your Majesty, when he answered that he had gold, but would not give it unless Montezuma commanded him to do so, but that, if the latter did so order, then he would give the gold, and his person, and all that he possessed. In order not to scandalise him, nor to hinder my designs and progress, I dissembled with him the best I could, saying that very soon Montezuma would order him to give the gold and everything he had. The two other chiefs who had lands in this valley came to see me here, one of whom lived four leagues below, and the other two leagues above, and they gave me certain collars of gold of little weight or value, and seven or eight female slaves. After stopping four or five days there, I left them very contented, and went to the city of the other chief, two leagues, as I said, up the valley which place is called Yztacmastitan. This lordship has an extension of three or four leagues, one house after another along the valley, and on the banks of a small river which flows through it. The house of the chief stands on a very high hill, protected by a better fort than can be found in half Spain, well surrounded with walls, and barbicans, and moats, and, on the top of this hill, there is a town of about five or six thousand inhabitants, with very large houses, whose people are somewhat richer than those of the lower valley. Here I was also very well received, and its chief told me that he likewise was a vassal of Montezuma. I stayed in his house three days, not only for the purpose of resting the people from the hardship they had endured in the desert, but also to wait for four messengers, natives of Cempoal, who had come with me, and whom I had sent from Caltanmi to a very large province called Tascalteca,which they told me was very near there, as in truth it was. They had also told me, that the natives of this province were their friends, and very deadly enemies of Montezuma, and that they wished me to confederate with them, as they were a large and powerful people (whose country was bounded on all sides by that of the said Montezuma, with whom they were in continual warfare), and would be glad to help me if the said Montezuma should The Wall of Tlascala oppose me. These messengers did not return during all the time that I remained in that valley, which was in all eight days. I asked the others, who had come with me from Cempoal, how it was that the messengers did not return, and they answered that it was a great distance, and that they could not get back so quickly. Seeing that their return was delayed, and that the chiefs of Cempoal were so positive about the friendship and fidelity of the people of that province, I set out for it. At the exit of the said valley, I found a great wall of dry stones, about nine feet high, which crossed the whole valley from one mountain to the other; it was twenty feet thick, and had a stone parapet, a foot and a half broad on the top so that one could fight from above. The single entrance was about ten paces broad, and in this entrance one wall doubled over the other, in the form of a ravelin, narrowly contracted within about forty paces, in such wise that the entrance was curved instead of being straight. Having inquired the object of that wall they told me that it was built because they were on the frontier of that province of Tascalteca, whose people were Montezuma's enemies, and constantly at war with him. The natives of this valley besought me, that, inasmuch as I was going to see Montezuma their lord, not to pass through the country of these his enemies, who perchance might be ill-disposed towards me, and do me some mischief, whereas they would guide me always through the land of the said Montezuma without going out of it, and that in it I would always be well received. The Cempoalans, however, advised me not to do this, but to go through Tascalteca, for what these people were telling me, was for the purpose of cutting me off from the amity of that province; they told me that all Montezuma's people were bad and treacherous, and would ensnare me in places whence I could never escape. As I had more confidence in the Cempoalans than in the others, I took their advice, and chose the road to Tascalteca, conducting my people with the best caution I could. Accompanied by about six horsemen, I rode ahead about half a league or more, little thinking of what afterwards happened, but to reconnoitre the country, so that if anything should befall I might perceive it in time to take measures, and prepare my people. After having gone four leagues, and while ascending the hill, two horsemen who went ahead saw certain Indians, wearing the feathers they are accustomed to in war, armed with their swords, and lances, and rodelas, who took to flight when they perceived the horsemen. At the same time I came up, and had them called to to return without fear. I advanced to where there were about fifteen Indians, who, massing themselves, began to attack us with their swords, calling to their other people who were in the valley, and fighting with us in such wise that they killed two horses, and wounded three others and two horsemen. In the midst of this, others came up, numbering about four to five thousand. Meantime, eight other horsemen, besides those whose horses were killed, joined me, charging on them until the other Spaniards, to whom I had sent a summons by a horseman, arrived. We did them some harm, in the charges we made, killing fifty or sixty of them, without suffering any hurt ourselves, although they fought with great courage and daring; but, as we were all on horseback, we could charge them, and fall back in safety. When they saw our reinforcements approaching, they retreated, because they were so few, and left us the field. After they were gone certain messengers came, who said they were the lords of the said province, and with them came two of the messengers whom I had sent. These explained that the said chiefs did not know anything of what those others had done, as they belonged to independent communities, and had acted without their consent, and they were very sorry for it, and would pay for the horses they had killed, and they wished to be my friends, and that I could go on freely, for I would be well received by them in hora buena, viz., in a good hour, I answered that I was very thankful to them, and that I would consider them as my friends, and would advance as they advised. That night, one league beyond where this happened, I was obliged to sleep in a dry river bed, not only because it was late, but also because my people were tired. I stayed there as well guarded as possible, stationing my sentinels and scouts, both on horseback and on foot, and at daybreak I left, carrying my van-guard and rear-guard well organised, and my scouts on ahead. Arriving at a very small village just at sunrise, the two other messengers came with lamentations saying that they had been bound, and would have been killed, but that they had escaped in the night. At not two stone' sthrows distance a great number of Indians appeared well armed, and with much shouting began to attack us, discharging many darts and arrows at us. When I undertook to make my requirements in due form, through the interpreters whom I had brought with me, and before a notary public, the more diligent I was to admonish and require them to keep the peace, just so much the more diligent were they in committing hostilities upon us, and, seeing that neither requirements nor protests were of any avail, we began to defend ourselves as best we could, and thus they kept us fighting, until we found ourselves in the midst of an hundred thousand warriors, who surrounded us on all sides. This went on all day long, until about an hour before sunset, when they retired. In this fight I did them a good deal of harm with about half a dozen cannon, and five or six muskets, forty archers, and thirteen horsemen, who had been left to me, without our receiving any hurt from them, except the labour and fatigue of fighting and hunger. And it truly appeared that it was God who battled for us, because amongst such a multitude of people, so courageous, and skilled in fighting, and with so many kinds of offensive arms, we came out unhurt. That night I fortified myself in a small tower of their idols, which stood on a small hill, and afterwards, at daybreak, I left two hundred men and all the artillery in the camp. As I was the attacking party I went out towards evening with the horsemen, and a hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred Indians whom I had brought from Cempoal, and three hundred from Yztacmastitan. Before the enemy had time to assemble, I set fire to five or six small places of about a hundred houses each, and brought away about four hundred prisoners, both men and women, fighting my way back to my camp without their doing me any harm. At daybreak the following morning, more than a hundred and forty-nine thousand men, covering all the country, attacked our camp so determinedly that some of them penetrated into it, rushing about, and thrusting with their swords at the Spaniards. We mustered against them, and Our Lord was pleased so to aid us, that, in about four hours, we managed that they should no more molest us in our camp, although they still kept up some attacks; thus we kept fighting until it grew to be late, when they retired. The next day I again went out before daybreak, in another direction, without having been observed by the enemy, taking with me the horsemen, a hundred footsoldiers, and the friendly Indians. I burned more than a hundred villages, one of which had more than three thousand houses, where the villagers fought with me, though there were no other people there. As we carried the banner of the Holy Cross, and were fighting for our Faith, and in the service of Your Sacred Majesty, to Your Royal good fortune God gave us such a victory that we slew many people without our own sustaining any injury. A little after mid-day when the strong force of the people was gathered from all parts, we had returned victorious to our camp. Messengers came from the chiefs the next day, saying that they wished to become vassals of Your Highness and my friends, beseeching me to pardon their past fault; and they brought me provisions, and certain featherwork which they use, and esteem and prize. I answered that they had behaved badly, but that I was satisfied to be their friend, and pardon them for all they had done. The next day there came about fifty Indians, who, it seemed, were men of some consequence amongst them, saying that they had brought us food, and they went about inspecting the entrances Tlascalan and exits of our camp, and some huts in which we were living. The Cempoalans came and told me to watch them, because they were bad men who had come to spy and see what damage they could do us, and that I might rest assured they had come for no other purpose. With some dissimulation, I had one of them taken, without being observed by the others, and leading him and the interpreters apart, frightened him so that he should tell me the truth. He confessed to me that Sintengal, the captain-general of this province, was behind one of the hills opposite the camp, with a great number of people, ready to fall upon us that night, for they said that they had tried by day against us, and had gained no advantage, and now they wished to try by night, when their people would fear neither our horses, our cannon, nor our swords; and they had been sent in order to examine our camp, and those points where they could attack us, and how they could burn the straw huts. I at once had another of the said Indians taken, and also asked him, and he confessed the same as the other in the same words, so I took another five or six, and they all agreed in their statements. Seeing this I had all the fifty taken, and cut off their hands, and returned them to their chief, ordering them to sav to him, that, by day or night or at any or all times he might come, he would see who we were. I then had my camp fortified as best I could, and posted the people as seemed most suitable, and we rested thus on our guard until sunset. When it was growing late, our opponents began to descend into two valleys, thinking they were surrounding us secretly, and to get nearer to us for carrying out their intentions. As I was on my guard, however, I saw them, and it seemed to me that it would be very dangerous to allow them to approach near the camp, because at night they could not see the damage I should do them from my side, and they would approach fearlessly, and also because in not seeing them some of the Spaniards might be somewhat negligent in fighting. I also feared that they might set fire to my camp, which should it happen would be most disastrous, and none of us could escape; hence I determined to go out and meet them with all the horsemen and cut them to pieces, thus preventing their approach. And so it happened, that when they discovered we were coming with horses to attack them, without stopping or shouting, they fled into some fields of maize, with which the country was almost covered, and lightened themselves of some provisions which they were carrying with them, for the feast they intended to celebrate, if this time they destroyed us entirely. They left us in security that night. After this occurrence, I remained several days without leaving camp, except in the neighbourhood, to repel the approach of some Indians who gathered to jeer at us, and provoke some skirmishes. When we had somewhat rested, I made a sally one night, after having inspected the first watch of the guard, taking a hundred foot, the friendly Indians, and the horsemen; and about a league from our camp five horses and mares fell, unable to go on, so I sent them back. Although those who accompanied me, said that I ought to return, as this was an evil omen, I still pushed ahead, confiding in God's supremacy above everything. Before daybreak I fell upon two towns, in which I slaughtered many people, but I did not want to burn the houses, so as to avoid attracting the attention of other people who were very near. When day dawned I fell upon another large town, which contained according to a count, which I ordered to be taken, more than twenty thousand houses. and, as I had surprised them, I found them unarmed, and the women, and children, running naked through the streets; and we did them some harm. Seeing they could offer no resistance, a certain number of the inhabitants came to beseech me not to do them further injury, for they desired to become vassals of Your Highness, and my friends, and they recognised that they were at fault in not having trusted me, but that henceforth I would see that they would always do what I commanded them in the name of Your Royal Highness, as your very true vassals. Immediately there came to me more than four thousand of them, suing for peace, and they took us out to a fountain where they gave us good food. Thus I left them pacified, and returned to our camp, where I found the people who had remained there much frightened, believing I might have been in some danger, as they had seen the horses and mares returning the night before. When they heard afterwards of the victory which God had been pleased to give us, and how I had left those towns at peace, they were very glad, for I certify to Your Majesty, that there was no one amongst us who was not very fearful at penetrating so far into this country, and amongst so many people, where we were so entirely without hope of help from anywhere. Indeed I had already heard with my own ears, privately, as well as publicly, that I was a Pedro Carbonero, who had got them into this difficulty from which they could never get out. And even more, I heard it said in one of the huts of certain companions (I being in a place where they could not see me), that if I had gone mad, and was going whence I could never escape, they need not do the same, but should rather return to the sea-coast, and that if I wished to return with them, very well, but if not, to leave me. This was often required of me, but I would encourage them, telling them to look to it that they were the vassals of Your Highness, and that Spaniards were never found lacking anywhere, and that we were in a position to win the greatest kingdoms and dominions in the world for Your Majesty. I told them, moreover, that we were only doing what we were obliged to do as Christians, by fighting against the enemies of our faith, and that we would gain the glory of the other world, while in this we would obtain the highest praise and honour, such as till our time no generation had won; and that they must perceive that we had God on our side, for Whom nothing was impossible, as they might recognise in the victories which we had obtained, where so many of our enemy had been slaughtered, but none of us. I told them other things of the same kind which seemed fitting, and with these, and the royal favour of Your Highness, they recovered their spirits, and I won them to my purpose, and to do as I wished, which was to complete the undertaking I had begun.The following day, Sicutengal, Captain General of this province, came to see me at ten o'clock, with about fifty of its chiefs, praying me on his part, and on that of Magiscatzin, who was the principal person in all this province, and on behalf of many other lords, that I would admit them to the royal service of Your Majesty and to my friendship, and would pardon them the past errors, because they had not understood who we were. He said that they had exerted all their forces, not only by day, but also by night, to escape being subjected to anyone, since at no time had this province ever been so, nor had they ever had, nor did they have, any master; on the contrary, they had always lived free and independent, since immemorial times, and had always defended themselves against the great power of Montezuma, of his father, and grandfather, who held that country subjected, but had never been able to hold them in subjection, though they had them surrounded on all sides, so that no one could go out of the country. He said also that they ate no salt, since there was none in their country, nor were they allowed to go to buy it anywhere else, nor did they wear any cotton clothing, because their country, on account of its cold, did not produce cotton, and they were deprived of many other things on account of being so shut off. They had endured it, and held it as better thus to be free, rather than be subjected to anyone; and they had wanted to do the same with me, for which reason, as several had already stated, they had tested their forces, and seeing clearly that neither these, nor their artifices, could avail them anything, had decided that, rather than die, and have their houses, and women, and children destroyed, they would become vassals of Your Highness. I satisfied them, saying that they must recognise that they were to blame for the injury they had sustained, for I had come to their country, thinking that I came to the country of my friends, for the Cempoalans had assured me that they were, and wished to be so; and that I had sent my messengers ahead of me to let them know that I was coming and wished their friendship, and that without replying to me (coming in all security), they had attacked me on the road, killed my two horses, and wounded others. Moreover, after having fought, with me, they had sent their messengers, saying that what had happened had been without their license or consent, and that certain communities had set themselves to do it without their participation, and that they had reproved them for it, and desired my friendship. Believing this to be true, I had told them that I was pleased, and that they would surely see me next day in their homes as in the houses of friends; and that likewise they had again attacked me on the road, and fought with me all day until night overtook us, notwithstanding that they had been required by me to keep the peace. I reminded them of all the other things they had done to oppose me, and many others which I shall leave immentioned, so as not to weary Your Highness. Finally they submitted and acknowledged themselves as subjects and vassals of Your Majesty, offering their persons and property for your royal service; and such they did and have done until to-day, and will always do, as Your Majesty will hereafter see. I remained six or seven days without leaving that place and camp, because I did not dare to trust them. They besought me to come to a large city, where all the chiefs of the province lived, and even the chiefs themselves came to beseech me to come into the city, as I would be well received there, and better provided with everything necessary than in the camp. For they were ashamed that I should be so ill-lodged, as they considered me their friend, and they and I were vassals of Your Highness. In response to their prayers, I came to the city, which is about six leagues distant from the dwelling place and camp I had occupied, and is so large and admirable that, although much of what I might say I shall omit, the little which I shall say is almost incredible; for it is much larger than Granada, and very much stronger, having very good buildings, and it contains a great many more people than Granada did when it was taken, and is much better supplied with provisions, such as bread, birds, game, and river-fish, and other good eatables and vegetables. There is a market in this city, in which every day, above thirty thousand souls sell and buy, without counting many other small markets in different parts of the city. Everything is to be found in this market in which they trade, and could need, not only provisions, but also clothing and shoes. There are jewellery shops, for gold, and silver, and stones, and other valuables of feather-work, as well arranged as can be found in any of the squares or market-places of the world; there is also as good earthenware and crockery as the best in Spain. They also sell wood and coals, and herbs to eat, and for medicinal purposes. There are houses like barbers' shops, where they wash their heads and shave themselves; there are also baths. Finally there prevail good order and politeness, for they are a people full of intelligence and understanding, and such that the best in Africa does not equal them. This province contains many extensive and beautiful valleys, well tilled and sown, and none are uncultivated. The province is ninety leagues in circumference, and, as far as I have been able to judge about the form of government, it is almost like that of Venice, or Genoa, or Pisa, because there is no one supreme ruler. There are many lords all living in this city, and the people who are tillers of the soil are their vassals, though each one has his lands to himself, some more than others. In undertaking wars, they all gather together, and thus assembled they decide and plan them. It is believed that they must have some system of justice for punishing the wicked, because one of the natives of this province stole some gold from a Spaniard, and I told this to that Magiscatzin, the greatest lord among them. After making their investigation, they pursued him to a city which is near there, called Churultecal, whence they brought him prisoner, and delivered him to me with the gold, telling me that I might chastise him. I thanked them for the diligence they took in this, but told them that, inasmuch as I was in their country, they might chastise him according to their custom, and that I did not wish to meddle with the punishment of their people while was in their country. They thanked me for this, and took him with a public crier, who proclaimed his offence, leading him through the great market place, where they put him at the foot of a sort of theatre, and with a loud voice again published his offence. And all having seen him, they beat him on the head with sticks until they killed him. We have seen many others in the prisons, who, it is said, were confined there for thefts, and other offences they had committed. According to the visitation which I ordered to be made, this province has five hundred thousand householders, besides those of another small province, called Guazincango, which joins it, whose people live as these do, without a rightful sovereign, and are no less vassals of Your Highness than these Tascaltecas. Being, Most Catholic Lord, in our camp in the country while I was at warfare with this province, there came to me six lords from amongst the principal vassals of Montezuma, accompanied by about two hundred retainers, telling me that they came on the part of Montezuma to say that he wished to be a vassal of Your Highness, and my friend. He sent word that I should say what I wanted him to give to Your Highness as an annual tribute, of gold, silver, stones, slaves, cotton, and wearing apparel, and other possessions, and that he would give it all, if only I would not come to his country, because it was very sterile, and destitute of provisions, and he would be sorry if I or my people suffered want. He sent me by them about a thousand dollars of gold, and many pieces of cotton clothing, such as they wear. They remained with me during the war and until the end of it, and well saw what the Spaniards were able to do. They knew of the treaties which were made with this province, and the allegiance given by the chiefs of all the country to the service of Your Sacred Majesty. At which, as it appeared, they showed themselves not much pleased, for they worked in many ways to embroil me with this people, saying that nothing they had told me was true, nor was the friendship they had sworn sincere, and that they formed it to secure me, in order to commit treason when they could with safety. The inhabitants of this province on the other hand, many times advised me not to trust those vassals of Montezuma, because they were traitors who carried on all their affairs with treacheries and tricks, and it was thus they had subjected all the country; and that they as my sincere friends and persons who had known them for a long time, warned me against them. I was not a little pleased to see this discord and want of conformity between the two parties, because it appeared to me to strengthen my design, and later I would find means to subjugate them; that common saying "De monte" etc., might be repeated, and I was even reminded of a scriptural authority which says "Omne regnum in seipsum divisum desolabitur." So I treated with the one, and the other, and privately I thanked both for the advice they gave me, giving to each the credit for more friendship, than to the other. I had been in the city twenty days or more, when those lords, Montezuma's messengers, who had always remained with me, told me that I ought to go to a city about six leagues from this Tascaltecal, called Churultecal, as its natives were friends of Montezuma's, their sovereign. They said that we might there learn his pleasure, whether it was that I should go to his country, and that some of them would go to speak with him, and tell him what I had told them and return with his answer. Although they knew that I had there some of his messengers, who had come to speak with me, I told them that I would go, and would leave on a certain day which I made known to them. When it became known to the Tascaltecas what they and I had agreed upon, and how I consented to go with them to that city, the rulers came to me, greatly afflicted, and told me that I must not go on any account, because it had been plotted to kill me and my men in that city. For this purpose, they said, Montezuma had sent fifty thousand men from his country (some part of which joins with that city), whom they kept in garrison, two leagues from the city, and that they had blocked up the customary high road, and had prepared a new one with many pits, in which sharp stakes and wood were placed, covered over in such a manner that the horses would fall, and be lamed; many streets were barricaded, and quantities of stones were collected on the housetops, so that, when we entered the city they might attack us with safety, and accomplish their purpose. They told me, that, if I wanted to confirm all they said, I might judge from the fact that the chiefs of that city had never come to see me, nor to speak with me, though they were so near to this city, while those of Guazincango who lived farther off had come, and if I sent for them I would see they would not come. I thanked them for their advice, and begged them to furnish me persons who would go on my part and call the chiefs. They did so, and I sent to invite them to come and see me, because I wished to tell them certain things on the part of Your Highness, and to explain to them the cause of my coming to this country. These messengers went, and delivered my message to the chiefs of Churultecal, and two or three persons of inferior rank returned with them, and told me that they had come on the part of those chiefs who were ill and could not come, but that I might tell them what I desired. The people of this city told me that all this was a mockery, and that those messengers were of mean condition, and in no wise should I leave without the chiefs of that city first coming hither. I told those messengers that an embassy from such a high Prince as Your Sacred Majesty could not be given to such persons as they were, and that even their chiefs were unworthy to hear it. They should, nevertheless, appear within three days before me to give their obedience to Your Highness, and to offer themselves as your vassals, with the understanding that, if they did not come within the time fixed, I should fall upon them, and destroy them, and proceed against them as against rebels who refused to submit to Your Majesty's authority. I sent them an order, signed with my name and that of a notary public, with a full explanation of the Royal Person of Your Sacred Majesty, and of my arrival, telling them how all these parts, and many other greater countries, and dominions, belonged to Your Highness, and how those who desired to be your vassals would be honoured and favoured, and how on the contrary those who rebelled would be punished, according to justice. The next day, almost all of the chiefs of that city came, and told me that, if they had not come before, it was because the people of this province were their enemies, and that they did not dare to enter their country because they did not consider themselves safe; and that they were sure that they had told me some things respecting them, but I must not give any credence to them, because they spoke as enemies, and not according to facts. They said also that I should go to their city, where I would discover the falsehoods their enemies had been telling, and the truth of what they themselves assured me; and that from thenceforth they gave and acknowledged themselves as vassals of Your Sacred Majesty, and that they would always remain such, serving and contributing in everything as they were commanded on the part of Your Highness. It was thus set down by a notary public, through the interpreters whom I had. I still determined to go with them, not only to avoid showing any weakness, but also because from there I thought to treat affairs with Montezuma, as they bounded upon his country, as I have already said, and there was unimpeded intercourse between the two countries. When the Tascaltecas saw my determination, they were much grieved, and told me repeatedly that I erred, but inasmuch as they had given themselves as vassals to Your Sacred Majesty, and my friends, they wished to go with me, and help me in any emergency. Although I forbade them, and prayed them not to go inasmuch as there was no necessity for it, still as many as about a hundred thousand men, well furnished for warfare, accompanied me to within about two leagues from the city, when after many importunities, they returned, though some five or six thousand of them still remained with me. I slept in a dry river bed about two leagues distant, to disperse the people, fearing they might cause some scandal in the city, and also because it was already late, and I did not wish to enter the city at a late hour. The next morning, the citizens came out to receive me on the road, with many trumpets, and drums, and also many priests from their mosques, clothed in their vestments, and chanting in the fashion they are accustomed to do in the said mosques. With this solemnity they brought us into the city, where they housed us in a very good dwelling place, where all the people of my company dwelt to their satisfaction; and they brought us some food, though not very generously. Along the road we encountered many signs, such as the natives of this province had foretold us, for we found the high road blocked up, and another opened, and some pits, although not many, and some of the city streets were closed, and many stones were piled on the house tops. They thus obliged us to be cautious, and on our guard. I found there certain messengers from Montezuma, who came to speak with those others who were with me, but to me they said nothing, because, in order to inform their master, they had come to learn what those who were with me had done and agreed with me. These latter messengers departed, therefore, as soon as they had spoken with the first, and even the chief of those who had formerly been with me also left. During the three days which I remained there I was ill provided for, and every day was worse, and the lords and chiefs of the city came rarely to see and speak to me. I was somewhat perplexed by this, but the interpreter whom I have, an Indian woman of this country whom I obtained in Putunchan, the great river I have already mentioned in the first letter to Your Majesty, was told by another woman native of this city, that many of Montezuma's people had gathered close by, and that those of the city had sent away their wives, and children, and all their goods, intending to fall upon us and kill us all; and that, if she wished to escape, she should go with her, as she would hide her. The female interpreter told it to that Geronimo de Aguilar, the interpreter whom I obtained in Yucatan, and of whom I have written to Your Highness, who reported it to me. I captured one of the natives of the said city, who was walking about there, and took him secretly apart so that no one saw it, and questioned him; and he confirmed all that the Indian woman and the natives of Tascaltecal had told me. As well on account of this information as from the signs I had observed, I determined to anticipate them, rather than be surprised, so I had some of the lords of the city called, saying that I wished to speak with them, and I shut them in a chamber by themselves. In the meantime I had our people prepared, so that, at the firing of a musket, they should fall on a crowd of Indians who were near to our quarters, and many others who were inside them. It was done in this wise, that, after I had taken these lords, and left them bound in the chamber, I mounted a horse, and ordered the musket to be fired, and we did such execution that, in two hours, more than three thousand persons had perished. In order that Your Majesty may see how well prepared they were, before I went out of our quarters, they had occupied all the streets, and stationed all their men, but, as we took them by surprise, they were easily overcome, especially as the chiefs were wanting, for I had already taken them prisoners. I ordered fire to be set to some towers and strong houses, where they defended themselves, and assaulted us; and thus I scoured the city fighting during five hours, leaving our dwelling place which was very strong, well guarded, until I had forced all the people out of the city at various points, in which those five thousand natives of Tascaltecal and the four hundred of Cempoal gave me good assistance. On my return to our quarters, I spoke with those captive lords, and asked them why they wished to kill me treacherously. They answered that it was not their fault, as those of Culua, who were vassals of Montezuma, had put them up to it, and that Montezuma had stationed in such and such a place, (which as we learned afterwards was a league and a half distant), a garrison of fifty thousand men to accomplish it. But they now had learned how they had been deceived, and if I would set one or two of them at liberty, they would gather the people of the city, and return to it with all the women, and children, and chattels; and they prayed me to pardon them the error they had committed, assuring me that, from henceforth, no one should deceive them, and that they would be faithful and loyal vassals of Your Highness and my friends. After having spoken at length to them about their error, I liberated two of them, and the next day the whole city was filled with men, women, and children, and as safe as if nothing of what had passed had ever happened. Immediately afterwards I liberated all the other chiefs and lords whom I had made prisoners, they promising that they would serve Your Majesty very loyally. During the fifteen or twenty days I remained there, the city and country were completely pacified and repeopled, so that it seemed nobody was lacking; and their market place and the affairs of the city were as they ordinarily were; and I made those of this city of Churultecal friends with those of Tascaltecal, for they used to be so formerly, and it was but a short time since that Montezuma had won them over to his allegiance, and made them enemies of the others. This city of Churultecal is situated in a plain, and has up to twenty thousand houses in the body of the city, and as many more in the outskirts. It is an independent state, and has its recognised boundaries, and they do not obey any chiefs, but govern themselves like the Tascaltecas. The people are better clothed in some ways than the Tascaltecas, because their honoured citizens all wear albornoces above their other clothing, though they differ from those of Africa in having pockets, but in the making, and stuff and borders, they are very similar. They have all been, and are since the recent occurrence, very faithful vassals to Your Majesty, and very obedient in all that I required and commanded of them in Your Royal name; and I believe that henceforth they will remain so. This city has very fertile fields, for they have much land, and the greater part is irrigated; and the city seen from the outside is more beautiful than the cities of Spain, because it is very level, and contains many towers, for I certify to Your Highness that I counted from a mosque four hundred and odd towers in the city, and all belonged to mosques. It is the best adapted for Spaniards to live in of any I have seen since leaving the port, as it has some uncultivated lands and water for the purpose of raising cattle, such as have no others we have seen so far. For, such is the multitude of people who live in these parts, that there is not a palm of land which is not cultivated, and even then there are many places in which they suffer for want of bread, and there are many poor who beg amongst the rich in the Concerning the Plot of the Cholulans streets, and at the market places, just as the poor do in Spain, and other civilised countries. I spoke, to those messengers of Montezuma who remained with me, about the treachery which had been plotted against me in the city, and how the lords of it affirmed that it had been done by the counsel of Montezuma. I said that it did not seem to me that it was a deed for such a great lord as he was, who had sent me such honourable persons as his messengers, saying he was my friend, while on the other hand he devised plans for injuring me by means of strangers, so that he might cast off the responsibility if things did not turn out as he thought. But since it was thus, and he did not keep his word, nor did he speak the truth to me, I now intended to alter my plans; for until now I had come with the intention of seeing and speaking with him, and of having him for a friend, and holding many conversations, and in the hope of peace. Now, however, I would go to his country with war, doing him all the harm I could as an enemy, though this I regretted very much, as I had always wanted him for a friend that might counsel with him respecting what I was to do in this country. They answered me, that as they had been with me many days, they knew nothing concerning that plot, except what they had heard in the city after the occurrence, and they could not believe that it was done by the order and counsel of Montezuma; and they besought me, before T determined to abandon his friendship and to make war as I said, that I should inform myself of the truth, and permit one of them, who would promptly return, to go and speak with Montezuma, as from this city to the place where he resides is twenty leagues. I told them I agreed to this, and let one of them go, who after six days returned, together with the first who had gone, and they brought me ten plates of gold, and fifteen hundred pieces of stuff, and many provisions of chickens and panicap, which is a beverage they drink; and they told me that Montezuma was much grieved over the disturbance that had happened, and which had been arranged in Churultecal. They said that I must believe that it had not been by his counsel and order, for he assured me it was not so, and that, though the people who were there in garrison were of a truth his, they had moved without his commands, induced by the natives of Churultecal, who bordered on two of his provinces, one of which was called Acancigo, and the other Izzucan. They said that there existed a certain alliance of neighbourhood between them, for helping each other, and it was thus they had come there, and not by his orders; but in the future I should learn from his deeds, that what he had told me was true, though he still besought me not to seek to come to his country, because it was sterile, and we would suffer privations, and that from wherever I might be, I could send to ask him for whatever I wanted, and he would send it very promptly. I answered that my visit to his country could not be renounced, because I would have to send a full account of him and of it to Your Majesty, and that I was persuaded of the truth of what he had sent to tell me; that inasmuch as I could not forego seeing him, I hoped he would approve of it, and not plan any opposition, because it would be greatly to his injury, and would grieve me very much. From the time he saw it was my determination to visit him and his country, he sent me word to say that I might come, and very welcome; that he would await me in that great city where he was, and he sent me many of his people to accompany me, as I was already near his country. These persons sought to induce me to go by a certain road, where they must have prepared some attack upon me, as it afterwards appeared, and as was seen by many Spaniards whom I afterwards sent to reconnoitre the country. There were so many bridges, and difficult passes on that road, that, if I had gone by it, they might very easily have accomplished their intentions, but as God has always taken care to guide, even from your childhood, the royal affairs of Your Sacred Majesty, and as I and those of my company went in your royal service, He showed us another road, which, although somewhat steep, was not as dangerous as that by which they wished to take us. About eight leagues from this city of Churultecal, there are two very high and marvellous mountains, for at the end of August they were so covered with snow that we could distinguish nothing else on their tops but what seemed snow, and from the highest one, a great volume of smoke, as thick as a house, continually comes forth, not only by day, but also by night, rising to the clouds as straight as a pillar, and it appears to come out with such force, that although on the top of the mountain a strong wind prevails, it does not turn it. As I have always wished to give a very detailed account of this country to Your Highness, I wanted to know about this mystery, which seemed somewhat marvellous, so I sent ten of my companions, who seemed adapted for such an enterprise, accompanied by some natives of the country to guide them, charging them to climb the said mountains, and learn the secret of that smoke, whence and how it came. They went, and strove, and did all that was possible to scale it, but never were able to do so on account of the quantity of snow which lay on the mountain, and the clouds of ashes which are blown about on it, and also because they could not endure the great cold which prevails there. They nearly reached the top, however, and so high was it, that, when they were up there, the smoke began to come out, and they say it came with such an impetus and noise as if the entire mountain was about to sink; so they descended, and brought with them a considerable quantity of snow and icicles, which seemed a strange thing to see in these parts, for according to the opinion of the pilots, they belong to the tropics. They say especially that this country is situated in the twentieth degree, which is parallel to the island of Hispaniola, where the heat is continually very great. While going to see this mountain, they came upon a road, and asked the natives who went with them whither it lead; and these answered to Culua, and that it was a good road, and that the other by which the Culuans wished to take us was not good. The Spaniards followed it until they reached the top of the Sierras, between which the road passes, and from there they beheld the plains of Culua, and the city of Temixtitan, and the lakes which are in the said province, of which I will hereafter make relation to Your Highness. They came back very glad at having discovered so good a road, and God knows how happy I was about it. After these Spaniards, who had gone to visit the mountains, returned, and I had informed myself accurately, not only from them, but also from the natives, respecting the road which they had discovered, I spoke to those messengers of Montezuma who were to guide me to his country, and told them, as it was shorter that I wished to go by that road, instead of the one they had proposed. They answered that I said truly that it was shorter, and more level, and the reason they had not suggested it, was because by it we should have to pass one or two days' journey through the country of Guasucingo, whose people were their enemies, and therefore we would not find all the necessaries, as when going through the land of Montezuma; but, if I wished to go that way, they would arrange that provisions should be brought up to the road from the other side. So we started, with some fears that those people might persist in playing some trick upon us, but as we had already announced that we would take that road, it did not seem well to me to leave it, and to change, lest they might suspect a want of courage had caused it. The day I left the city of Churultecal, I marched four leagues to some hamlets of the city of Guasucingo, where I was well received by the natives, who gave me some female slaves, and wearing apparel, and certain small pieces of gold. This last in all was but little, because these people did not have much, as they belong to the league and alliance of the Tascaltecas, and they are shut in by Montezuma, and surrounded by his country in such a manner that they can have no commerce with any other province except their own, and therefore, they live very poorly. The following day I mounted the pass between the two mountains of which I have spoken, and, descending it, we beheld one of the provinces, of the country of the said Montezuma, called Chalco, where, about two leagues before we reached the town, I found a very good dwelling place, which had been recently built, and was so large that all my company and myself were very commodiously lodged in it; this although I had with me more than four thousand Indians, of these provinces of Tascaltecal, Guasucingo, Chuniltecal, and Cempoal, for whom there were ample provisions of food. Here great fires of plenty of wood were burned in all the rooms, for the cold was very bitter, as we were surrounded by two mountains both covered with snow. Certain persons came to speak to me here who seemed to be chiefs, amongst whom was one who, I was told, was brother to Montezuma. He brought me about three thousand dollars of gold, and told me in Montezuma's name that the latter sent that to me, and prayed me to go back, and not insist on coming to his city, as the country was scarce of food, and the roads leading there were bad; and, as it was all on the water, I could enter it only in canoes. He also enumerated many other inconveniences to prevent me going. They said I had only to say what I wanted, for Montezuma their sovereign would order it to be given to me, and would likewise agree to give me annually certum quid, which would be taken to the coast, or wherever I wished. I received them very well and gave them some Spanish articles, such as they esteem very much, especially to him who was said to be a brother of Montezuma's. I replied to his embassy, that, if it was in my hands to return, I would do so in order to please Montezuma, but that I had come to this country by order of Your Majesty, and that the principal thing, of which you had ordered me to give an account, was Montezuma, and his great city, of whom, and of which. Your Majesty had possessed information since a long time. I said also that they should tell him from me, that I prayed him to approve my going to see him, because no injury would result from it to his person and country, but rather that he should, receive good; and if after I had seen him he did not wish to have me in his company, then I would return; and that we could better decide between ourselves, how he should serve Your Highness, than through third persons, even were they those in whom we had full confidence. With this answer they departed. Cortes Descends into the Valley of Mexico Judging from appearances which we observed, and the preparation which had been made in this dwelling place of which I have spoken, the Indians expected to attack us that night, and perceiving this, I took such precaution that they, noting it, changed their plan, and secretly sent away that night a number of people who had gathered in the woods, as was seen by our watchmen and scouts. At daybreak I set out for a town, called Amaqueruca, which is two leagues from here, in the province of Chalco, which in its principal town, and the villages within two leagues of it, has some twenty thousand inhabitants. We were lodged in some very good houses, belonging to the chief of the said town, and many persons who seemed to be of high rank came to speak to me, telling me that Montezuma, their sovereign lord, had sent them to await me here, and to see that I was provided with everything necessary. The lord of this place gave me some forty female slaves, and three thousand castellanos. During the two days I was there, they provided us amply with all necessary food. The next day, accompanied by those chiefs who had come on the part of Montezuma to wait for me, I left, and slept four leagues farther on, in a small town, almost half of it on the water of a great lake, where they lodged us very well; and on the land side there is a chain of very rugged and stony mountains. Here likewise they would have been very willing to try their forces with us, except, as it appeared, they wanted to do so with safety, and by surprising us in the night. But, as I was so well informed, I anticipated their intention, and kept such a guard that night, that of their spies who came, some in canoes by water, and others by descending from the mountains, to see if there was any possibility of carrying out their wishes, some fifteen or twenty were taken by our men, and killed. Thus, few returned to give the information they had come to secure; and finding us always so well prepared they decided to change their tactics, and treat us well. The next morning, just as I was ready to leave the town, there arrived some ten or twelve chiefs, as I learned afterwards, and among them a great lord, a youth of about five and twenty years, to whom all showed great attention, so much so, that, after he had descended from a litter in which he had come, all the others began clearing the road of the stones and straw before him. Approaching, he told me he came on the part of Montezuma, his sovereign lord, and that the latter besought me to pardon him if he did not come in person to see me, and receive me, as he was indisposed, but that his city was already near, and, inasmuch as I was still determined to go to him, we would meet there, when I should learn from him his disposition towards Your Highness's service. It was added that he still besought me, if it were possible, not to go thither, as I would have much trouble and privation to endure, and that he was much ashamed not to be able to provide there as he desired. With this, they fell on their knees, protesting so much, that it only remained to say that they would defend the road by force if I still insisted in going on. I satisfied, and calmed them with the best words possible, saying that my going thither would do them no harm, but bring them many advantages; and so, after giving them some presents, they took their leave. I departed immediately after them, accompanied by many people who seemed to be of much importance, as it afterwards appeared, and I continued along the road by the shore of that great lake. A league from my last stopping place, I saw in this lake, two musket-shots distant from the shore, a small city which might have had one or two thousand inhabitants, and which was all afloat on the water; having many towers as it seemed but no entrance. About a league from there, we reached a great causeway, as broad as a horseman's lance, extending within the lake about twothirds of a league. This led to the city, which though small, was the most beautiful we had yet seen, not only on account of the well decorated houses and towers, hut also because of the excellent construction of its foundations in the water. In this city, which has about two thousand inhabitants, we were very well received, and they gave us excellent food. The lord and chiefs of it came to speak with me, and prayed me to remain, and sleep there; however, Montezuma's messengers who were with me told me not to stop, but to go on to another city, called Iztapalapan, about three leagues distant, belonging to a brother of Montezuma; so I did this. The exit from the said city where we dined, whose name at present does not occur to my memory, is by another causeway, a long league in length, which extends to the mainland. Having arrived at this city of Iztapalapan, the chief of it came out to receive me, as well as one from another great city, called Calnaalcan, which is near, being perhaps three leagues distant, and these Were accompanied by many other chiefs who were waiting for me; and they gave me three or four thousand castellanos, some female slaves, and wearing apparel, receiving me very well. This city of Texcoco. The Spaniards called it Venezuela (little Venice). Clavigero insists that, after leaving Cuitlahuac for Iztapalapan, the two discontented brothers of the King of Texcoco, Ixtlilochitl and Coanacochtzin, met Cortes, and offered their alliance, explaining their grievances against their brother Cacamatzin, the reigning King, and Montezuma their uncle; and that Cortes went on their invitation to Texcoco. As neither Cortes nor Bernal Diaz mentions what would have been an important and interesting divergence from their route, and both account for almost every hour of the time, by recording their daily movements, the visit to Texcoco seems more than doubtful. The interview with the two princes might easily have taken place on the road. Iztapalapan has some twelve or fifteen thousand households, and stands on the shore of a great salt lake, half of it in the water, and the other half on land. Its chief has some new houses, which, though still unfinished, are as good as the best in Spain; I say as large and well constructed, not only in the stone work, but also in the wood work, and all arrangements for every kind of household service, all except the relief work, and other rich details, which are used in Spanish houses, but are not found here. There are both upper and lower rooms, and very refreshing gardens, with many trees and sweet scented flowers, bathing places of fresh water, well constructed, with steps leading down to the bottom. He has also a large garden round his house, in which there is a terrace with many beautiful corridors and rooms, and, within the garden, is a great pool of fresh water, very well built with sides of handsome masonry, around which runs an open walk with well laid tile pavements, so broad that four persons can walk abreast on it, and four hundred paces square, making, in all, sixteen hundred paces. On the other side of this promenade, towards the wall of the garden, it is all surrounded by a lattice work of canes, behind which are arbours, planted with fragrant shrubs. The pool contains many fish, and water fowl, such as ducks, cranes, and other kinds of water birds, in such numbers that the water is covered with them. The next day after I had arrived in this city, I left, and having gone half a league, I reached another causeway, leading out into the lake a distance of two leagues to the great city of Temixtitan, which stands in the midst of the said lake. This causeway is two lances broad, and so well built that eight horsemen can ride abreast; and, within these two leagues, there are three cities, on one and the other side of the said highway, one called Mesicalsingo, founded for the greater part within the said lake, and the other two, called Niciaca, and Huchilohuchico, on the other shore of it, with many of their houses on the water. The first of these cities may have three thousand families, the second more than six thousand, and the third four or five thousand. In all of them, there are very good edifices, of houses and towers, especially the residences of the lords and chief persons, and the mosques or oratories, where they keep their idols. These cities have a great trade in salt, which they make from the water of the lake, and from the crust of the land which is bathed by the lake, and which they boil in a certain manner, making loaves of salt, which they sell to the inhabitants in the neighbourhood. I followed the said causeway for about half a league before I came to the city proper of Temixtitan. I found at the junction of another causeway, which joins this one from the mainland, another strong fortification, with two towers, surrounded by walls, twelve feet high with castellated tops. This commands the two roads, and has only two gates, by one of which they enter, and from the other they come out About one thousand of the principal citizens came out to meet me, and speak to me, all richly dressed alike according to their fashion; and when they had come, each one in approaching me, and before speaking, would use a ceremony which is very common amongst them, putting his hand on the ground, and afterwards kissing it, so that I was kept waiting almost an hour, until each had performed his ceremony. There is a wooden bridge, ten paces broad, in the very outskirts of the city, across an opening in the causeway, where the water may flow in and out as it rises and falls. This bridge is also for defence, for they remove and replace the long broad wooden beams, of which the bridge is made, whenever they wish; and there are many of these bridges in the city, as Your Highness will see in the account which I shall make of its affairs. Having passed this bridge, we were received by that lord, Montezuma, with about two hundred chiefs, all barefooted, and dressed in a kind of livery, very rich, according to their custom, and some more so than others. They approached in two processions near the walls of the street, which is very broad, and straight, and beautiful, and very uniform from one end to the other, being about two thirds of a league long, and having, on both sides, very large houses, both dwelling places, and mosques. Montezuma came in the middle of the street, with two lords, one on the right side, and the other on the left, one of whom was the same great lord, who, as I said, came in that litter to speak with me, and the other was the brother of Montezuma, lord of that city Iztapalapan, whence I had come that day. All were dressed in the same manner, except that Montezuma was shod, and the other lords were barefooted. Each supported him below his arms, and as we approached each other, I descended from my horse, and was about to embrace him, but the two lords in attendance prevented me, with their hands, that I might not touch him, and they, and he also, made the ceremony of kissing the ground. This done, he ordered his brother who came with him, to remain with me, and take me by the arm, and the other attendant walked a little ahead of us. After he had spoken to me, all the other lords, who formed the two processions, also saluted me, one after the other, and then returned to the procession. When I approached to speak to Montezuma, I took off a collar of pearls and glass diamonds, that I wore, and put it on his neck, and, after we had gone through some of the streets, one of his servants came with two collars, wrapped in a cloth, which were made of coloured shells. These they esteem very much; and from each of the collars hung eight golden shrimps executed with great perfection and a span long. When he received them, he turned towards me, and put them on my neck, and again went on through the streets, as I have already indicated, until we came to a large and handsome house, which he had prepared for our reception. There he took me by the hand, and led me into a spacious room, in front of the court where we had entered, where he made me sit on a very rich platform, which had been ordered to be made for him, and told me to wait there; and then he went away. After a little while, when all the people of my company were distributed to their quarters, he returned with many valuables of gold and silver work, and five or six thousand pieces of rich cotton stuffs, woven, and embroidered in divers ways. After he had given them to me, he sat down on another platform, which they immediately prepared near the one where I was seated, and being seated he spoke in the following manner: "We have known for a long time, from the chronicles of our forefathers, that neither I, nor those who inhabit this country, are descendants from the aborigines of it, but from strangers who came to it from very distant parts; and we also hold, that our race was brought to these parts by a lord, whose vassals they all were, and who returned to his native country. After a long time he came back, but it was so long, that those who remained here were married with the native women of the country, and had many descendants, and had built towns where they were living; when, therefore, he wished to take them away with him, they would not go, nor still less receive him as their ruler, so he departed. And we have always held that those who descended from him would come to subjugate this country and us, as his "vassals; and according to the direction from which you say you come, which is where the sun rises, and from what you tell us of your great lord, or king, who has sent you here, we believe, and hold for certain, that he is our rightful sovereign, especially as you tell us that since many days he has had news of us. Hence you may be sure, that we shall obey you, and hold you as the representative of this great lord of whom you speak, and that in this there will be no lack or deception; and throughout the whole country you may command at your will (I speak of what I possess in my dominions), because you will be obeyed, and recognised, and all we possess is at your disposal. "Since you are in your rightful place, and in your own homes, rejoice and rest, free from all the trouble of the journey, and wars which you have had, for I am well aware of all that has happened to you, between Puntunchan and here, and I know very well, that the people of Cempoal, and Tascaltecal, have told you many evil things respecting me. Do not believe more than you see with your own eyes, especially from those who are my enemies, and were my vassals, yet rebelled against me on your coming (as they say), in order to help you. I know they have told you also that I have houses, with walls of gold, and that the furniture of my halls, and other things of my service, were also of gold, and that I am, or make myself, a god, and many other things. The houses you have seen are of lime and stone and earth." And then he held up his robes, and showing me his body he said to me, "Look at me, and see that I am flesh and bones, the same as you, and everybody, and that I am mortal, and tangible." And touching his arms and body with his hands, "Look how they have lied to you! It is true indeed that I have some things of gold, which have been left to me by my forefathers. All that I possess, you may have whenever you wish. "I shall now go to other houses where I live; but you will be provided here with everything necessary for you and your people, and you shall suffer no annoyance, for you are in your own house and country." I answered to all he said, certifying that which seemed to be suitable, especially in confirming his belief that it was Your Majesty whom they were expecting. After this, he took his leave, and, when he had gone, we were well provided with chickens, and bread, and fruits, and other necessities, especially such as were required for the semce of our quarters. Thus I passed six days well provided with everything necessary, and visited by many of the lords. I have already mentioned at the beginning. Most Catholic Lord, that when I started from the city of Vera Cruz, in search of this lord, Montezuma, I left there a hundred and fifty men, to build that fort which I had begun, and I likewise stated, that I had left many villages and forts in the neighbourhood of that town, under the royal dominion of Your Highness, and the natives as very loyal vassals of Your Majesty. While I was in the city of Chuiultecal, I received letters from the captain, whom I had left in my place at Vera Cruz, informing me that Quauhpopoca, lord of the city called Almeria, had sent messengers to him, saying, that if he had not yet offered to become a vassal of Your Highness, nor had appeared to give his obedience, with all his lands, as he was obliged to do, it was because he had to cross an enemy's country, and that, fearing to be molested by them, he had deferred coming; but to send him four Spaniards to accompany him, because, they, through whose country he had to pass, knowing for what purpose he was coming, would not then dare molest him, and he would immediately come. The captain, believing that what the said Qualpopoca had sent to say was true, as many others had done the same, had despatched him the four Spaniards, but, after he got them in his power, he tried to kill them, in such a way as would make it appear that he had not done it. After he had killed two of them, however, the other two, wounded, escaped to the forests. The captain had then attacked the city of Almeria, with fifty Spaniards, two horsemen, two field pieces, and about eight thousand friendly Indians. He fought with the inhabitants of the said city, and slaughtered many of them, driving out the rest, and burnt, and destroyed it, because the Indians accompanying him were their enemies, and had put much diligence into it. Qualpopoca, the lord of the city, together with the other chiefs, who had come thither to assist him, escaped by taking flight. The captain was informed by some of the prisoners, taken amongst the defenders of the city, that Qualpopoca had killed the said Spaniards, whom we had sent, because Montezuma had ordered him, and his other vassals, that, as soon as I left the town of Vera Cruz, they should attack those vassals who had rebelled against him, and offered themselves to the service of Your Highness; and that he should use every means he could to kill the Spaniards I had left there, so that they could not aid nor favour them. This was the reason they had done what they had. Cortes Plans to Seize Montezuma Six days having passed, Most Invincible Prince, after I had arrived in the city of Temixtitan, and, having seen something of it, although little in proportion to the amount there is to be seen and noted, it appeared to me, even from what I had seen of it and the country, that it would be conducive to Your Royal Highness's service, and to our security, that Montezuma should be in my power, and not at his entire liberty, so that he might not relax his intention and disposition to serve Your Highness. I thought this, especially because we Spaniards are somewhat touchy and importunate, and, if he should happen to become angry, he could do us such injury with his great power, that there would remain no recollection of us; and also because, having him in my power, all the other countries who were subject to him, would come to the knowledge and service of Your Majesty, as afterwards happened. I determined to seize him, and confine him in my quarters, which are very strong; and, thinking over all the forms and ways in which I could accomplish this, without provoking any scan dal or commotion upon his arrest, I remembered what my captain at Vera Cruz had written about the occurrence in the city of Almeria, as I have related, and how it had become known, that all that had happened there had taken place by Montezuma's command. I stationed sufficient guards in the cross streets, and went to the palace of Montezuma, as I had at other times gone to see him; and, after conversing with him lightly on pleasant subjects, and after he had given me some valuables in gold, and one of his daughters, and some daughters of other lords to some of my companions, I told him that I had learned what had happened in the city of Nautecal, or Almeria, and about the Spaniards whom they had killed there, and that Qualpopoca gave as his excuse, that all he had done had been by Montezuma's order, and that, as his vassal, he could not have done otherwise. I said that, because I did not believe Qualpopoca's excuse of his fault, it seemed to me that he ought to send for him, and the other chiefs who had helped him in the murder of the Spaniards, so that the truth might be known, and they be punished, and Your Majesty might clearly perceive his good disposition. Otherwise the reports of those wicked men might provoke Your Highness to anger against him, from which, instead of the favours Your Highness would now grant him, evil would result; for I was convinced that the truth was contrary to what they declared. He immediately sent for certain of his people, to whom he gave a small stone figure, like a seal, which he wore tied to his arm, ordering them to go to the city of Almeria, which is about sixty or seventy leagues from that of Muxtitan (Mexico), and bring the said Qualpopoca; to ascertain what others had taken part in the murder of the Spaniards, and to bring them likewise; and, if they resisted, to bring them as prisoners, and, if they should resist imprisonment, to call upon certain tribes in the neighborhood, which he then named, to seize them by force of arms; but on no account to return without them. These men immediately left, and, after they had gone, I told Montezuma that I was very grateful to him for the diligence he had used in the imprisonment of those men, for I must render an account to Your Royal Highness for those murdered Spaniards. To enable me to give this, it now only remained that he should stop in my quarters, until the truth was established, and it was known that he was blameless. I earnestly prayed him not to feel pained at this, because he would not be kept a prisoner, but would have entire liberty; that I would place no impediment to his service and authority in his dominions, and that he might choose any room he pleased in the palace where I was, where he should remain at his pleasure, well assured that he should suffer no annoyance or unpleasantness, but rather that, in addition to his own attendants, my companions would also obey his commands. We had much conversation and argument about this, which would be too lengthy to write, and even too prolix to recount to Your Highness, as well as of little bearing on the case, hence I will not say more than that finally he agreed to come with me, and immediately gave orders to prepare the apartment he wished to occupy, which was well fitted up, and put in order. This having been done, many lords came, and having taken off their vestments, which they carried under their arms, barefooted they brought the litter, not much adorned, and, weeping, they placed him on it, in profound silence. Thus we went to my quarters without causing any commotion in the city, although some had begun, but, when Montezuma heard of it, he ordered it to be stopped, and thus all was as completely quiet as though Montezuma in Chains nothing had happened; and this continued all the time I kept Montezuma prisoner, for he lived at his entire pleasure, and with all his service, just as he had it in his own palace, which was great and marvellous, as I will hereafter say. And I, and those of my company, did everything we could to please him. Some fifteen or twenty days having passed since his imprisonment, those who had been sent for Qual popoca, and the others who had killed the Spaniards, returned, bringing the said Qualpopoca, and one of his sons, and with them fifteen other persons whom they said had taken part in the murders. Qualpopoca was carried in a litter, very much in the style of a lord, as he in reality was. They were delivered to me, and I kept them under guard in prison, and afterwards when they confessed that they had killed the Spaniards, I had them interrogated as to whether they were vassals of Montezuma. Qualpopoca answered, asking if there existed any other lord of whom he might be vassal, as much as to say there was no other. I likewise asked them if what had been done there was by Montezuma's order; and they answered, "No," although afterguards, when the sentence, that they should be burned, was carried into execution, all with one voice said it was true that Montezuma had ordered them to do it, and that they had obeyed his command. So they were burned publicly, in one of the squares, without occasioning any commotion, and the day when they were burned, as soon as they confessed that Montezuma commanded them to kill the Spaniards, I ordered him to be put in chains, which frightened him not a little. After I had spoken to him, I removed the irons the same day, and he remained very satisfied, and ever afterwards I endeavoured to please him, and keep him satisfied as far as possible; especially did I always say publicly to all the natives of the country, nobles as well as others, who came to see him, that Your Majesty had been pleased that Montezuma should continue to exercise authority, recognising the suzerainty of Your Highness, and that Your Highness would be well pleased by their obeying him, and regarding him as their lord, as they had before I came to the country. So good was my treatment of him, and the satisfaction he felt, that sometimes, and frequently, I offered him his liberty, praying him to return to his palace; but he told me each time that he was contented there, and that he did not wish to go, because nothing that he wished was wanting, more than in his own palace, whereas it might happen that, if he went back, the lords of the country, his vassals, would importune him to do things, in spite of himself, which would be contrary to his own wish, and to Your Highness's service. He added, that he was determined to serve Your Majesty in all that was possible, and up till now he had told them what he wanted done, and was content where he was, for, should anyone attempt to make suggestions to him now, he could excuse himself by answering that he was not free, and thus evade them. He often asked permission to go and enjoy himself, and pass the Cortes Investigates the Gold Mines of Mexico time in certain pleasure houses, both out of the city and in it, and I never denied him this. He often would, with five or six Spaniards go to enjoy himself one or two leagues out of the city, returning very gladly to the quarters where I kept him; and, whenever he went out, he would present many valuables, and clothing, as well to the Spaniards who went with him, as to the natives, who always accompanied him to at least the number of three thousand men, most of them nobles and persons of distinction; and, as he always gave them m.any banquets and feasts, they who went with him were always contented. When I afterwards understood perfectly, that he was wholly devoted to the service of Your Royal Highness, I praved him, so that I might give a better account to Your Majesty of this country, to show me the mines from which he obtained gold, and he answered with perfect good will that he would gladly do so. He immediately sent certain of his servants, distributing them two by two over four provinces, from which he said he got the gold; and he asked me to send Spaniards with them, to see how it was taken out. So, for each of his own people, I sent two Spaniards, and some went to a province, called Cuzula, eighty leagues from the great city of Temixtitan, the natives of which are his vassals, and there they were shown three rivers, from each of which they brought me specimens of gold of very good quality, although it was taken out with mean tools, as they had only those with which the Indians extract it. On the road, they passed through three provinces, according to what the Spaniards said, of fine land, and many hamlets and cities, and towns, very populous, and containing buildings equal to any in Spain. They told me especially of a house and fort, greater, and stronger, and better built, than the castle of Burgos, and that the people of this province, called Tamazulapa, were better dressed than any others we have seen, and, as it seemed to them, more intelligent. Others went to another province called Malinaltepeque, another seventy leagues from the said great city, and more towards the sea-coast; and they brought me likewise specimens of gold from a great river there. The others went to a country, called Teniz, farther up this river, belonging to a people of a different language from that of Culua, and the ruler of that country is called Coatelicamat. His country lies in a very high rugged mountain chain, and is not subject to Montezuma; the people of that province are very war-like, fighting with lances, twenty or thirty palms long, and, because they are not vassals of Montezuma, the messengers who accompanied the Spaniards did not dare to enter that country, without first notifying the chief and asking his permission. They told him they had come with the Spaniards to see the gold mines in his country, and besought him, on my part, and that of Montezuma, their lord, to permit it. Coatelicamat answered, that he was very willing the Spaniards should come into his country, and see the mines, and whatever else they wished, but that the Culuans, who were subject to Montezuma, must not come, because they were his enemies. The Spaniards were somewhat perplexed, as to whether they should go alone, or not; those who accompanied them told them not to go, as they would be killed, and that it was in order to kill them that Coatelicamat would not permit the Culuans to accompany them. At last they determined to go alone, and the lord and his people received them very well, and showed them seven or eight mines where they took out gold; and in their presence the Indians took some, out of which they brought ine specimens. Coatelicamat sent ne certain messengers with the Spaniards, offering himself and his country for the service of Your Majesty; and he sent me certain valuables of gold, and such wearing apparel as they have. The others went to another province, called Tuchitepeque, which is almost in a direct line towards the sea, twelve beyon the province of Malinaltepeque where, as I have already said, gold had been found. Two other rivers were shown them there, where gold is also found. As there is in those parts, according to what the Spaniards who went there informed me, every facility for making plantations, and procuring gold, I begged Montezuma to establish a plantation for Your Majesty in that province of Malinaltepeque, which seems the best adapted, and he put such diligence into it, that, within two months after I had spoken to him, sixty fanegas of maize, and ten of beans had been sown, and two thousand plants of cacap, which bears a fruit somewhat like almonds. This fruit they sell ground, and esteem so highly, that it is used instead of money all over the country, and with it everything can be bought in the market places and elsewhere. He built four good houses, in one of which, besides the living apartments, they made a water tank, and put five hundred ducks in it; these are much esteemed, because they pluck their feathers every year, and use them for making wearing apparel. And they placed fifteen hundred chickens in it, not to speak of other farm stock, which the Spaniards judged to be worth twenty thousand dollars of gold. I also prayed Montezuma to tell me if on the sea-coast there was any river or bay where ships could enter safely, and he answered me that he did not know, but that he would have the coast drawn for me, with its bays and rivers, and that I might send the Spaniards to see them, and that he would give me people to guide and take them; and thus we did. Another day they brought me a cloth, on which the whole coast was drawn, showing a river, larger than the others, flowing into the sea; this seemed to be amongst the mountain chains called Sanmin, which form such a bay, that the pilots heretofore believed it divided the province called Mazamalco. Montezuma told me I might choose whom I wished to send, and he would provide means for seeing and learning everything. I immediately named ten men, amongst them some pilots and persons acquainted with the sea. Furnished with the provisions he gave us, they left, and explored the whole coast, from the port of Chalchilmeca, which is called San Juan, where I first disembarked. They covered about sixty odd leagues, but nowhere found a river or bay where ships could enter, although there are many very large ones on the said coast; they took soundings of all from the canoes, and finally reached the said province of Cuacalco, where was the river shown on the chart. The chief of that province, called Tuchintecla, received them very well and gave them canoes to explore the river. They found the shallowest part at its mouth, two and a half fathoms in depth, and, twelve leagues up the river, the greatest depth they found was five or six fathoms; from their observations they judged it has about the same depth for thirty leagues up from its mouth. On its banks, are many large towns, with an innumerable population, and all the province is level, and rich and abundant in produce. The people of this province are not vassals or subjects of Montezuma, but rather his enemies. The lord of it sent word, when the Spaniards arrived, that the Culuans must not enter his country because they were his enemies, but, when the Spaniards returned home with this account, he sent certain messengers with them, who brought me valuables of gold, tiger-skins, feather-work, stones, and stuffs. These told me, on his part, that Tuchintecla had known of us for a long time, because his friends of Puntunchan (which is the river of Grijalba), had told him that I had passed there, and had fought with them when they did not admit me to their town, and how afterwards they became friends of mine, and vassals of Your Majesty. The messengers said that Tuchintecla, likewise, offered himself to Your Royal Highness, with all his country, and he prayed me to consider him as my friend, on conditions that the Culuans should not enter his country, though I might see everything in it, which might be useful to Your Royal Highness, of which he would give whatever I might direct every year. When I learned, from the Spaniards who visited that province, of its adaptability for settlement, and of the harbour they had found, I rejoiced greatly; for, ever since I came to this country, I have sought to find a harbour on its coast, where I might found a settlement. I had never succeeded, however; nor is one to be found on the whole coast, from the river of San Antonio, which is next the Grijalba to that of Panuco which is down the coast, where certain Spaniards settled by order of Francisco de Garay, as I shall hereafter recount to Your Highness. To assure myself still more about that province and harbour, and of the good will of the natives, and of everything else necessary for a settlement, I again sent certain of my experienced people to ascertain all these matters. They went with the messengers, whom that chief Tuchintecla had sent to me, taking some things for him which I gave them. Upon their arrival, they were well received by him; and they again examined and sounded the harbour and river to see whether a town might be founded. They afterwards brought me a long and exact description, saying that there was everything necessary for a settlement, and that the chief of the province was very content, strongly desiring to serve Your Highness. When this account came, I immediately dispatched a captain, with one hundred and fifty men, to lay out, and build a town, and construct a port; for the chief of that province had offered to do this as well as everything else that might be necessary or commanded by me; and he even built six houses on the site chosen for the town, and said that he was very pleased we should come there to settle, and remain in his country. In the past chapters, Most Powerful Lord, I have said that, at the time of my coming to the great city of Temixtitan, a great lord had come, on behalf of Montezuma, to meet me on the road, who, as I learned afterwards, was a near relative of the latter's, and had dominions called Haculuacan, adjoining those of Montezuma. The capital of, these is a very great city on this salt lake, six leagues by canoe, and ten by land, from this city of Temixtitan. The city is called Tezcuco, and it may have about thirty thousand households. There are in it, Sire, very wonderful houses, and mosques, and very large, and well built, oratories; it has also extensive market places. Besides this city, he possesses two others, one, called Ocurman, at three leagues from Tezcuco, and the other, called Otumpa, six leagues distant, each containing between three and four thousand householders. This province and lordship of Haculuacan has many other villages and hamlets, and very good lands and farms. It joins on one side with the Plot to Capture Cacamtzin province of Tascaltecal, of which I have already spoken to Your Majesty. This lord, called Cacamazin, rebelled, after the imprisonment of Montezuma, as well against the service of Your Highness, to which he had offered him self, as against Montezuma. Although he was required many times to obey the royal mandates of Your Majesty, he never complied, for, besides my sending to require him, Montezuma also sent to summon him, but he answered that, if anything was wanted of him, they should come to his country, and that there he would show what he was worth, and the service he was obliged to render. According to my information, he had gathered a multitude of warriors well prepared for action. As I was unable to win him, either by warnings or requirements, I spoke to Montezuma, and asked his advice as to what we ought to do, for the rebellion should not remain unchastised. He answered, that to seize him by force, would expose us to much danger, as he was a great lord, and had many forces and people, and could not be taken without great risk of many people perishing. He had, however, many chiefs from the country of Cacamazin who lived with him and whom he paid and he would speak with them, so that they might win over some of Cacamazin's people, and being assured that they would favour our party, we could take him with safety. Montezuma came to an understanding with those persons, who induced Cacamazin to meet them in the city of Tezcuco, Speech of Montezuma for the purpose of deliberating on certain matters of state, for, as chiefs, they were grieved that he was doing certain things that might ruin him. Thus, they assembled in a very beautiful palace of Cacamazin's on the borders of the lake, so constructed that canoes can pass under it, going in and out. They had secretly prepared certain canoes, with forces in readiness, in case the said Cacamazin should resist his imprisonment, and, while in this consultation, the chiefs seized him, before his people suspected anything, and brought him across the lake to the great city, which I have already said is six leagues from there. When they arrived, they placed him in a litter, as was customary, and required by his rank, and brought him to me, and I ordered chains to be put on him, and held him in very safe keeping. Acting on the advice of Montezuma, in the name of Your Majesty, I placed his son, whose name is Cucuzcacin, in his lordship, and I ordered that all the tribes and lords of the said province and lordship should obey him as ruler, until Your Highness should order otherwise. Thus it was done thenceforward, and all obeyed and served him as lord, the same as the said Cacamazin; and he was obedient in everything I commanded in Your Majesty's name. A few days after the imprisonment of Cacamazin, Montezuma held a meeting of all the lords of the city and the neighbouring countries; and, when speech of all were assembled, he sent to ask me to join them, and, when I arrived, he spoke in this manner: "My to His Nobles brothers and friends, you know that, for a long time you, and your fathers, and grandfathers, have been, and are, subjects and vassals of my forefathers and myself, and that you have always been well treated by them, and by me, and that you have likewise done what good subjects are obliged to do towards their rightful sovereign. I also believe that you have kept in mind, from your forefathers, that we are not natives of this country, and that they came to it from another, very far off, that they were brought here by a sovereign, whose vassals they all were, who left them in it, but who returned after a long time; that he found our forefathers already settled and established in this country, and married to the women, and having a great increase of sons, so that they did not choose to return with him, nor much less to receive him as their sovereign; and that he departed, saying that he would return, or send such a force that they would be compelled to submit. You also know, that we have always expected him, and, according to what the Captain has told us of that King and Lord who has sent him here, and according to the direction whence he says he comes, I hold it to be certain, and you must also hold it thus, that his sovereign is the one we have been expecting especially as the Captain says that they have had information there respecting us. "Since our predecessors did not act justly towards their sovereign lord, let us do so, and let us give thanks to our gods, because that which they looked for has come to pass in our times. I heartily pray you, inasmuch as all this is well known to you, that, as you have obeyed me as your sovereign, henceforward you will regard and obey this great king, because he is your rightful sovereign, and, in his place, you must hold this, his Captain; also that all the tributes and services, which until now you have paid to me, you do give to him, because I also shall pay tribute, and sere in all that he may command me. In so doing, you will do your duty as you are obliged to do, and you will, moreover, in doing this, give me much pleasure." All this he told them, weeping the greatest tears, and the greatest sighs, a man can give vent to; and all those lords who had heard him were likewise weeping so much, that, during a considerable time, they were unable to answer. And I assure Your Sacred Majesty, that there was not one among the Spaniards who heard this discourse who did not feel great compassion. After they had somewhat restrained their tears, they answered, that they regarded him as their sovereign, and they promised to do all that he ordered them to do, and that for this, and for the reason he had given them, they would do it gladly; that henceforth, for all time, they gave themselves as vassals of Your Highness and henceforth they, all together, and each one singly, would promise, and did promise, to comply with all that should be commanded them in the royal name of Your Majesty, as good and loyal vassals ought to do; and that they would concur with their tributes and services, which heretofore they had given to the said Montezuma, and with everything else which might be commanded in the name of Your Highness. All this passed before a notary public, who at my request recorded it in due form, in the presence of many Spaniards for witnesses. This decision and offer of the said lords, for the royal service of Your Majesty having been completed, I spoke to Montezuma one day, and told him that Your Highness was in need of gold, on account of certain works ordered to be made, and I besought him to send some of his people, and I would also send some Spaniards, to the provinces and houses of those lords who had there submitted themselves, to pray them to assist Your Majesty with some part of what they had. Besides Your Highness's need, this would testify that they began to render service, and Your Highness would the more esteem their good will towards your service; and I told him that he also should give me from his treasures, as I wished to send them to Your Majesty, as I had done with the other things. He asked me afterwards to choose the Spaniards whom I wished to send, and two by two, and five by five, he distributed them through many provinces and cities, whose names I do not remember, as the papers have been lost, and also because they were many and divers; and moreover some of them were at eighty and one hundred leagues from the said great city of Temixtitan. He sent some of his people with them ordering them to go to the lords of those provinces and cities, and tell them that I had commanded each one of them to contribute a certain measure of gold which he gave them. Thus it was done, and all those lords to whom he sent gave very compliantly, as had been asked, not only in valuables, but also in bars and sheets of gold, besides all the jewels of gold, and silver, and the featherwork, and the stones, and the many other things of value which I assigned and allotted to Your Sacred Majesty, amounting to the sum of one hundred thousand ducats and more. These, besides their value, are such, and so marvellous, that for the sake of their novelty and strangeness they have no price, nor is it probable that all the princes ever heard of in the world, possess such treasures. Let not what I say appear fabulous to Your Majesty, because, in truth, all the things created on land, as well as in the sea, of which Montezuma had ever heard, were imitated in gold, most naturally, as well as in silver, and in precious stones, and feather work, with such perfection that they seemed almost real. He gave me a large number of these for Your Highness, besides others, he ordered to be made in gold, for which I furnished him the designs, such as images, crucifixes, medals, jewelry of small value, and many other of our things which I made them copy. In the same manner, Your Highness obtained, as the one-fifth of the silver which was received, one hundred and odd marks, which I made the natives cast in large and small plates, porringers, cups, and spoons, which they executed as perfectly as we could make them comprehend. Besides these, Montezuma gave me a large quantity of stuffs, which considering it was cotton, and not silk, was such that there could not be woven anything similar in the whole world, for texture, colours, and handiwork. Amongst these, were many marvellous dresses for men and women, bed clothing, with which that made of silk could not be compared, and other stuffs such as tapestry, suitable for drawing-rooms and churches. There were also blankets and rugs, for beds both of feather-work, and of cotton in divers colours, also very marvellous, and many other things so curious and numerous I do not know how to specify them to Your Majesty. He also gave me a dozen cerbatanas, with which he shoots, and of their perfection I likewise know not what to say to Your Highness; for they were decorated with very excellent paintings of perfect hues, in which there were figures of many different kinds of birds, animals, flowers, and divers other objects, and the mouthpieces and extremities were bordered with gold, a span deep, as was also the middle, all beautifully worked. He gave me a pouch of gold net-work for the balls, which he told me he would give me also of gold. He gave me also some turquoises of gold, and many other things, whose number is almost infinite. To give an account, Very Powerful Lord, of the greatness, and the strange and marvellous things of this great city of Temixtitan to Your Royal Excellency, and of all the dominions and splendour of Montezuma its sovereign; of all the rites and customs which these people practise, and of the order prevailing in the government, not only of this city, but also of others belonging to this lord, much time and many very expert narrators would be required. I shall never be able Cortes Describes Mexico to Charles V. to say one-hundredth part of what might be told respecting them, but, nevertheless, as far as I am able, I shall speak of some of the things I have seen, which although badly described, I know very well will cause so much wonder, that they will hardly be believed, because even we, who see them here with our own eyes, are unable to comprehend their reality. Your Majesty may be assured, that, if there be anything wanting in my relation, it will be rather in falling short, than by overdrawing, not only in this, but in all other matters of which I shall give an account to Your Highness; but it seems to me only just towards my Prince and Sovereign to tell him very clearly the truth, without interpolating matters which diminish or exaggerate it. Before beginning to describe this great city, and the others which I mentioned in the other chapter, it appears to mc that to understand them better I should describe Mexico, which is where this great city, some others of which I have spoken, and the principal seat of Montezuma's dominion are. This province is ciroular, and completely surrounded by high and rugged mountains. Its plain is perhaps seventy leagues in circumference, in which there are two lakes, occupying almost all of it, for a canoe travels fifty leagues within their borders, and one of these lakes is of fresh water, and the other larger one is salt. The lakes are divided from one another on one side by a small chain of very high hills, in the middle of one end of this plain, except for a strait between these hills and the high mountains; the strait is about a bow shot across. Communication between one lake and the other, and between the cities, and the other towns round about, is by means of canoes, with no need of going by land. The large salt lake rises and falls in its tides like the sea; its waters, whenever it rises, falling into the fresh-water lake as rapidly as though it were a great river; and when it ebbs, the fresh water then runs into the salt lake. This great city of Temixtitan is built on the salt lake, and from the mainland to the city is a distance of two leagues, from any side from which you enter. It has four approaches by means of artificial causeways, two cavalry lances in width. The city is as large as Seville or Cordoba. Its streets (I speak of the principal ones) are very broad and straight, some of these, and all the others, are one half land, and the other half water on which they go about in canoes. All the streets haev openings at regular intervals, to let the water flow frmo one to the other, and at all of these openings, some of which are very broad, there are bridges, very large, strong, and well constructed, so that, over many, ten horsemen can ride abreast. Perceiving that, if the inhabitants wished to practise any treachery against us, they had plenty of opportunity, because the said city being built as I have described, they might, by raising the bridges at the exits and entrances, starve us without our being able to reach land, as soon as I entered the city, I made great haste to build four brigantines, which I had completed in a short time, capable whenever we might wish, of taking three hundred men and the horses to land. The Great Market place The city has many squares where markets are held and trading is carried on. There is one square, twice as large as that of Salamanca, all surrounded by arcades, where there are daily more than sixty thousand souls, buying and selling, and where are found all the kinds of merchandise produced in these countries, including food products, jewels of gold and silver, lead, brass, copper, zinc, stone, bones, shells, and feathers. Stones are sold, hewn and unhewn, adobe bricks, wood, both in the rough and manufactured in various ways. There is a street for game, where they sell every sort of bird, such as chickens, partridges, quails, wild ducks, fly-catchers, widgeons, turtle-doves, pigeons, reed-birds, parrots, owls, eaglets, owlets, falcons, sparrow-hawks and kestrels, and they sell the skins of some of these birds of prey with their feathers, heads, beaks, and claws. They sell rabbits, hares, and small dogs which they castrate, and raise for the purpose of eating. There is a street set apart for the sale of herbs, where can be found every sort of root and medical herb which grows in the country. There are houses like apothecary shops, where prepared medicines are sold, as well as liquids, ointments, and plasters. There are places like our barber's shops, where they wash and shave their heads. There are houses where they supply food and drink for payment. There are men, such as in Castile are called porters, who carry burdens. There is much wood, charcoal, braziers made of earthenware, and mats of divers kinds for beds, and others, very thin, used as cushions, and for carpeting halls, and bedrooms. There are all sorts of vegetables, and especially onions, leeks, garlic, borage, nasturtium, water-cresses, sorrel, thistles, and artichokes. There are many kinds of fruits, amongst others cherries, and prunes, like the Spanish ones. They sell bees-honey and wax, and honey made of corn stalks, which is as sweet and syrup-like as that of sugar, also honey of a plant called maguey, which is better than most; from these same plants they make sugar and wine, which they also sell. They also sell skeins of different kinds of spun cotton, in all colours, so that it seems quite like one of the silk markets of Granada, although it is on a greater scale; also as many different colours for painters as can be found in Spain and of as excellent hues. They sell deer skins with all the hair tanned on them, and of different colours; much earthenware, exceedingly good, many sorts of pots, large and small, pitchers, large tiles, an infinite variety of vases, all of very singular clay, and most of them glazed and painted. They sell maize, both in the grain and made into bread, which is very superior in its quality to that of the other islands and mainland; pies of birds, and fish, also much fish, fresh, salted, cooked, and raw; eggs of hens, and geese, and other birds in great quantity, and cakes made of eggs. Finally, besides those things I have mentioned, they sell in the city markets everything else which is found in the whole country and which, on account of the profusion and number, The Aztec Priests do not occur to my memory, and which also I do not tell of, because I do not know their names. Each kind of merchandise is sold in its respective street, and they do not mix their kinds of merchandise of any species; thus they preserve perfect order. Everything is sold by a kind of measure, and, until now, have not seen anything sold by weight. There is in this square a very large building, like a Court of Justice, where there are always ten or twelve persons, sitting as judges, and delivering their decisions upon all cases which arise in the markets. There are other persons in the same square who go about continually among the people, observing what is sold, and the measures used in selling, and they have been seen to break some which were false. This great city contains many mosques, or houses for idols, very beautiful edifices situated in the different precincts of it; in the principal ones of which are the religious orders of their sect, for whom, besides the houses in which they keep their idols, there are very good habitations provided. All these priests dress in black, and never cut or comb their hair from the time they enter the religious order until they leave it; and the sons of all the principal families, both of chiefs as well as noble citizens, are in these religious orders and habits from the age of seven or eight years till they are taken away for the purpose of marriage. This happens more frequently with the first-born, who inherit the property, than with the others. They have no access to women, nor are any allowed to enter the religious houses; they abstain from eating certain dishes, and more so at certain times of the year than at others. Amongst these mosques, there is one principal one, and no human tongue is able to describe its greatness and details, because it is so large that within its circuit, which is surrounded by a high wall, a village of five hundred houses could easily be built. Within, and all around it, are very handsome buildings, in which there are large rooms and galleries, where the religious who live there are lodged. There are as many as forty very high and well-built towers, the largest having fifty steps to reach the top; the principal one is higher than the tower of the chief church in Seville. They are so well built, both in their masonry, and their wood work, that they could not be better made nor constructed anywhere; for all the masonry inside the chapels, where they keep their idols, is carved with figures, and the wood work is all wrought with designs of monsters, and other shapes. All these towers are places of burial for the chiefs, and each one of their chapels is dedicated to the idol to which they have a particular devotion. Within this great mosque, there are three halls wherein stand the principal idols of mar'ellous grandeur in size, and much decorated with carved figures, both of stone and wood; and within these halls there are other chapels, entered by very small doors, and which have no light, and nobody but the religious are admitted to them. Cortes Overthrows the Idols Within these are the images and figures of the idols, although, as I have said, there are many outside. The principal idols in which they have the most faith and belief I overturned from their seats, and rolled down the stairs, and I had those chapels, where they kept them, cleansed, for they were full of blood from the sacrifices; and I set up images of Our Lady, and other Saints in them, which grieved Montezuma, and the natives not a little. At first they told me not to do it, for, if it became known throughout the town, the people would rise against me, as they believed that these idols gave them all their temporal goods, and, in allowing them to be ill-treated, they would be angered, and give nothing, and would take away all the fruits of the soil, and cause the people to die of want. I made them understand by the interpreters how deceived they were in putting their hope in idols, made of unclean things by their own hands, and I told them that they should know there was but one God, the Universal Lord of all, who had created the heavens, and earth, and all things else, and them, and us, who was without beginning, and immortal; that they should adore, and believe in Him, and not in any creature, or thing. I told them all I knew of these matters, so as to win them from their idolatries, and bring them to a knowledge of God, Our Lord; and all of them, especially Montezuma, answered that they had already told me they were not natives of this country, and that it was a long time since their forefathers had come to it, therefore they might err in some points of their belief, as it was so long since they left their native land, whilst I, who had recently arrived, should know better than they what they should believe, and hold; and if I would tell them, and explain to them, they would do what I told them, as being for the best. Montezuma and many chiefs of the city remained with me until the idols were taken away and the chapels cleansed, and the images put up, and they all wore happy faces. I forbade them to sacrifice human beings to the idols, as they were accustomed to do, for besides its being very hateful to God, Your Majesty had also prohibited it by your laws, and commanded that those who killed should be put to death. Henceforth they abolished it, and, in all the time I remained in the city, never again were they seen to sacrifice any human creature. The figures of the idols, in which those people believe, exceed in size the body of a large man. They are made of a mass of all the seeds and vegetables which they eat, ground up and mixed with one another, and kneaded with the hearts' blood of human beings, whose breasts are opened when alive, the hearts being removed, and, with the blood which comes out, is kneaded the flour, making the quantity necessary to construct a great statue. When these are finished the priests offer them more hearts, which have likewise been sacrificed, and besmear the faces with the blood. The idols are dedicated to different things, as was the custom of the heathen who anciently honoured their gods. Thus, to obtain favours in war these people have one idol, The Aqueducts for harvests another, and for everything in which they desire any good, they have idols whom they honour and serve. There are many large and handsome houses in this city, and the reason for this is that all the lords of the country, vassals of Montezuma, inhabit their houses in the city a certain part of the year; moreover there are many rich citizens, who likewise have very good houses. Besides having very good and large dwelling places, all these people have very beautiful flower gardens of divers kinds, as well in the upper, as in the lower dwellings. Along one of the causeways which lead to the city, there are two conduits of masonry each two paces broad, and five feet deep, through one of which a volume of very good fresh water, the bulk of a man's body, flows into the heart of the city, from which all supply themselves, and drink. The other which is empty brings the water, when they wish to clean the first conduit, for, while one is being cleaned, the water flows through the other. Conduits as large round as an ox's body bring the fresh water across the bridges, thus avoiding the channels by which the salt-water flows, and in this manner the whole city is supplied, and everybody has water to drink. Canoes peddle the water through all the streets, and the way they take it from the conduits is this: the canoes stop under the bridges where the conduits cross, where men are stationed on the top who are paid to fill them. At the different entrances to the city, and wherever the canoes are unloaded, which is where the greatest quantity of provisions enter the city, there are guards, in huts to collect a certum quid of everything that comes in. I do not know whether this goes to the sovereign, or to the city, because up till now I have not been able to ascertain, but I believe it is for the sovereign, for, in other market places of other provinces, that contribution has been seen to be paid to the ruler. There are to be found daily in the markets and public places of the city many workmen, and masters of all trades, waiting to be hired. The people of this city had better manners, and more luxury in their dressing and service, than those of other provinces and cities, for the reason that the sovereign, Montezuma, always resided there, and all the nobles, his vassals, frequented the city, so better manners, and more ceremony prevailed. But to avoid being prolix in describing the things of the city (though I would fain continue), I will not say more than that, in the service and manners of its people, their fashion of living was almost the same as in Spain, with just as much harmony and order; and considering that these people were barbarous, so cut off from the knowledge of God, and other civilised peoples, it is admirable to see to what they attained in every respect. As far as the service surrounding Montezuma is concerned, and the admirable attributes of his greatness and state, there is so much to write that I assure Your Highness I do not know where to begin, so as to finish what I would say of any part respecting it. For, as I have already said, what greater grandeur can there be, than that a barbarian monarch, like him, should have imitations in gold, silver, stones, and feather-work, of all the things existing under heaven in his dominion? — gold, and silver, things, so like to nature, that there is not a silversmith in the world who could do it better; and, respecting the stones, there is no imagination which can divine the instruments with which they were so perfectly executed; and respecting the feather-work, neither in wax, nor in embroidery, could nature be so marvellously imitated. So far, the extent of Montezuma's kingdom is not known, but everywhere within two hundred leagues on this and the other side of this capital, wherever he sent, his messengers were not disregarded, although there were some provinces in the midst of these countries with which he was at war. From what has been learned, and from what I understand from him, I judge that his territories were as large as Spain; for he sent messengers from here to Puntunchan, at sixty leagues distance, beyond the river of Grijalba, ordering the natives of a city, called Cumatan, to give themselves as vassals to Your Majesty; and that is a distance of two hundred and thirty leagues from the great city. This I know for I have made the Spaniards go a distance of more than a hundred and fifty in that direction. All the other lords of this country and province, especially those of the neighbourhood, resided as I have already said, a greater part of the year in the capital, and all, or at least most of them, had their first-born sons in the service of Montezuma's Palaces Montezuma. There were fortified places in the dominions of these lords, and Montezuma sent his own people amongst them as governors, and collectors of the taxes and rents which he received from each province. These men kept an account of what each province was obliged to give, by means of characters and figures, written on the paper they make, showing what each province was obliged to pay according to the quality of its land. In this manner, produce from all the said provinces came into his possession. He was so feared by the present, as well as the absent, that there was never prince in the world more so. He had many pleasure houses, within and without the city, each as well constructed, to serve for its particular kind of pastime, as could be described or desired for so great a lord. Within the city, he had residences such and so marvellous that it seems to me almost impossible to speak of their excellence and grandeur. So I limit myself to saying that there is nothing comparable with them in Spain. He had a house, a little inferior to this one, where there was a beautiful garden, with arbors overhanging it, of which the marbles and tiles were of jasper, beautifully worked. In this house there were apartments for two great princes, and all their servants. It had ten pools of water, in which were kept all the many and divers breeds of waterfowl found in these parts, all domesticated; for the sea-birds, too, there were pools of salt water, and, for those of the rivers and lakes, there was fresh water, which for the sake of cleanliness, they renewed at certain times by means of pipes. To each kind of bird they gave the food which suited its habits in its free state, so that to those which ate fish they gave it; and, likewise, worms, maize, and smaller seeds were supplied as required by the different birds. I assure Your Highness that all those birds which ate only fish received each day two hundred and fifty pounds, caught in the salt lakes. Three hundred men had the charge of these birds, for their sole employment. There were others who were occupied only in curing the birds which were ailing. Over each pool for these birds, there were beautifully decorated galleries, and corridors, where Montezuma came to amuse himself by watching them. There was an apartment in this house in which were men, women, and children, white of face, body, hair, and eyelashes from the day of their birth. There was another very beautiful house, with a large court, paved with flags, in the pattern of a chess board. There were also houses about nine feet in height, and about six paces square; one half of each was covered with a roofing of square tiles, and the other half, which was open, had a stout lattice of wood. Each of these houses contained a bird of prey, representing all the sorts known in Spain, from the kestrel to the eagle, besides many other kinds, which had never been seen there; and there were great numbers of each of these kinds. Across the tops of these houses there was a perch, and another one out beyond the lattice, so that the birds might use the one at night and when it was raining, and the other to sun themselves, and take the air. All these birds were fed daily on chickens, with no other food. There were certain large rooms in this palace, fitted with great cages, very well constructed, and joined with heavy timbers, in all or most of which were kept lions, tigers, foxes, and every kind of cat in considerable numbers. These were also fed on chickens. Three hundred other men had charge of these animals and birds. There was another house where many monstrous men and women lived, amongst whom there were dwarfs, hunchbacks, and deformed; and each manner of monster had a room apart, and they also had persons to take charge of them. I do not mention the other diverting things Montezuma had in this city, because they were so many, and so various. His service was organised as follows: at dawn every day, six hundred lords, and men of rank, came to his palace. Some of these sat down, and others walked about in the halls and corridors of the palace, talking and passing the time, but without entering the room where he was; the servants and retainers who accompanied them filled two or three great courts, and the street, which was very large. They remained in attendance until night. When they served food to Montezuma, they likewise served all those lords with like profusion, and their servants and followers also received their rations. The larder and the wine cellar were open daily to all who wished to eat or drink. The way they served the meals is this: three or four hundred youths carried in countless dishes, for, every time he wished to dine or sup, they brought him all the different dishes, not only meats, but also fish, and fruits, and herbs, to be found in the land; and as the climate is cold they brought, under each plate and dish, a brazier of coals, so that the food should not get cold. They placed all the dishes together in a great room where he dined, which was almost filled; its floors were all very well covered and very clean, and he sat on a small cushion of leather, beautifully made. Whilst he was eating, there were five or six elder lords standing a short distance from him, to whom he offered from the dishes he was eating. One of the servants waited to bring and remove the dishes for him, which were passed by others, who stood further off as the service required. At the beginning and end of each meal, they always brought him water for his hands, and the towel, once used, he never used again; nor were the plates and service in which a dish was served ever brought again; and it was the same with the braziers. He dressed himself four times every day, in four different kinds of clothing, all new, and never would he be dressed with the same again. All the lords who entered his palace came barefooted, and, when those whom he had summoned appeared before him, it was with their heads bent, and their eyes on the ground, in humble posture; and, when they spoke to him, they did not look him in the face, because of respect and reverence. I know they did this out of respect, for certain lords reproved the Spaniards, saying, that when these latter spoke to me, they would behave with a lofty demeanour, looking me in the face, which seemed to them disrespectful and shameless. When Montezuma went out, which happened rarely, all those who accompanied him and those whom he met in the street, turned their faces aside, and in no wise looked at him, and all the rest prostrated themselves until he had passed. One of the lords, who carried three long thin rods, always went before him, and I believe this was done to give notice of his approach. When he descended from his litter, he took one of those rods in his hand, and carried it as far as he went. The ceremonies which this sovereign used in his service were so many, and of such different kinds, that more space than I have at present would be required to relate them, and even a better memory to retain them; for I believe none of the Sultans, or any infidel sovereign of whom we have had information until now, has ever had such ceremonial in his court. I have been occupied in this capital in what seemed to conduce to the service of Your Sacred Majesty, and in pacifying and winning over to it many provinces, thickly peopled countries, very great cities, towns, and forts; and in discovering mines, and learning and inquiring into many of the secrets of Montezuma's dominions, as well as of others which border on them, of which he had information. These are so many and so marvellous, that they are almost incredible. In this, I have been assisted, with as much good will and satisfaction on the part of Montezuma and the natives, as if they, ab initio, had recognised Your Sacred Majesty as their king and rightful sovereign; and with no News of the Arrival of Narvaez less good will have they done all I commanded them in your royal name. In all these things mentioned, and in others no less useful to the service of Your Highness, I spent from the eighth of November, 1519, to the beginning of May this present year. While all was quiet and tranquil in this city, and many Spaniards were distributed through divers parts, pacifying the people in the country, I greatly desired that ships might arrive, with the answer to the account I had sent to Your Majesty, so that I might forward what I now send, together with all the gold and jewels I had collected for Your Highness. At that time there came certain natives, vassals of Montezuma, who live on the coast, telling me that, near the mountain chain of San Martin, which is on the said coast, before reaching the port and bay of San Juan, eighteen ships had arrived; and that they did not know whose they were, because, as soon as they espied them on the sea, they came to let me know. Following the said Indians, there came also a native of the island of Fernandina, who brought me a letter from a Spaniard, whom I had stationed on the coast. This I had done that he might give information about me, and about that town near the port, to any ships that might arrive, so that they might not be lost. In this letter he said that, "on such a day, a single ship had arrived off the harbour of San Juan," and that he had examined all the coast as far as the eye could reach, but had discovered no other, and therefore believed it to be the ship I had sent to Your Majesty, since it was time for this to return. In order to satisfy himself more fully, he said that he would stay, waiting for the arrival of the said ship in port, so as to get information which he would immediately bring me. Having read this letter, I despatched two Spaniards one by one road, and the other by another, so that they might miss no messenger coming from the ship. I directed them to go to the said port, and ascertain how many ships had arrived, from whence they came, and what they brought, and to return as quickly as possible to tell me. I likewise sent another to the city of Vera Cruz, to announce what I had learned about those ships, so that they might get information there, and let me know; and another went to the Captain (whom I had sent with a hundred and fifty men, to form a settlement at the port of Quacucalco), to whom I wrote, that, as I had learned that certain ships had arrived at the port, he should stop wherever that messenger might meet him, and not proceed any further, until I should write to him again. It afterwards appeared, however, that he already knew of the arrival of the ships when he received my letter. Fifteen days elapsed after the departure of the messengers, and as I had no news or answers from them, I was not a little alarmed. When these fifteen days had passed, other Indians, also vassals of Montezuma, arrived, from whom I learned that the said ships had already anchored in the port of San Juan, and the people had disembarked; that they had brought about eighty horses, eight hundred men, and ten or twelve pieces of artillery. All of this report was pictured on paper of the country, to be shown to Montezuma. The messengers also told me, that the Spaniard I had stationed on the coast, and the other messengers I had sent, were with the said people, and had told these Indians that the captain of those people would not allow them to return, and for them to tell me this. Having heard this, I determined to send a religious, whom I had brought in my company, bearing a letter of mine, and another from the alcalde and the municipal officers of the city of Vera Cruz who were with me, addressed to the captain and people who had arrived at that port. In these letters we informed him very fully of all that had happened to me in this country; that I held many cities and ports conquered and pacified, subject to the royal service of Your Majesty; that I had taken the principal lord of all these regions prisoner, and that I was in the capital. We wrote all about its character, and the gold and jewels I had obtained for Your Highness, and how I had given an account to Your Majesty of the country. I asked them to let me know who they were, and if they were rightful subjects of the kingdom and lordships of Your Highness, to write to me whether they had come to this country by a royal mandate to settle permanently, or intended to advance or return; adding that, if they needed anything, I would have them provided with everything possible. I said also that, if they came from any place outside the dominions and kingdoms of Your Highness, to likewise let me know, for if they needed anything I would also supply it, if I could. If they refused to inform me, I required them on the part of Your Majesty to leave your countries, and not to land in them, with the threat that, if they persisted, I would march against them with all the force I had, both Spaniards and natives, and would take them, and kill them as foreign invaders of the kingdoms and dominions of my king and sovereign. Within five or six days after the religious had gone with the despatch, twenty Spaniards, whom I had left in the city of Vera Cruz, arrived in the city of Temixtitan, and brought me a cleric and two other laymen whom they had taken in the said city. From them I learned, that the armada and people in the port belonged to Diego Velasquez, and had come by his orders, under a certain Panfilo de Narvaez, a householder of the island of Fernandina, as their captain; that they brought eighty horses, many pieces of artillery, and eight hundred soldiers, among which latter were eighty musketeers, and a hundred and twenty bowmen; that Narvaez came with a commission as Captain-General, and Lieutenant-Governor of all these parts, by appointment of Diego Velasquez, with faculties from Your Majesty for all this; that the messengers I had sent, and the man I had stationed on the coast were with Panfilo de Narvaez, who would not allow them to return, and that he had information himself from them about my founding that town twelve leagues from the said port, and of the people who were in it, as well as about the people I had sent to Quacucalco, thirty leagues from the port, in a province called Tuchitepeque, I learned also that Narvaez knew of everything I had done in the country in the service of Your Highness; about the cities and towns I had pacified and about the great city of Temixtitan; about the gold and jewels we had obtained in the country, and all else that had happened to me. Narvaez had sent these men to Vera Cruz, to try to win over the inhabitants to his design that they should rebel against me. They brought me more than a hundred letters which Narvaez and his companions sent to people in Vera Cruz, telling them to credit what the cleric and the others with him would say in his name, promising them in the name of Diego Velasquez, that, if they would do so, they should be rewarded, but that those who acted to the contrary would be very severely treated. Many other things contained in the said letters were reported by the cleric and those who came with him. Almost simultaneously, there arrived one of the Spaniards who had gone to Quacucalco, bringing letters from his captain, one Velasquez de Leon, who informed me that the expedition in the port was under Panfilo de Narvaez, who came in the name of Diego Velasquez. This Leon forwarded me a letter which Narvaez had sent him by an Indian for he was a relative of Diego Velasquez, and brother-in-law of Narvaez), telling him how he had learned from my messengers that Leon was there with those people, and bidding him come back immediately with them, because, by so acting, he would fulfil his obligations towards his relative; that he believed I held him by force, and other similar things which Narvaez wrote to him. The captain being more devoted to Your Majesty's service, not only declined to accept what Narvaez told him in his letter, but, after having sent the letter to me, immediately left to join me with all his forces. Afterwards I informed myself from that cleric, and the two who accompanied him, respecting many things concerning the intentions of Diego Velasquez and Narvaez; how they had despatched that armada and force against me, because, instead of to Diego Velasquez, I had sent to Your Majesty the description of this country, and the presents; and how they came with evil designs to kill me, and many of my company whom they had already designated. I ascertained likewise that the licentiate Figueroa, the judge residing in the island of Hispaniola, and Your Highness's judges and officials there, when they learned that Diego Velasquez was preparing this armada, and his intention in so doing, had perceived the harm and injury which would result to Your Majesty by their coming, and had sent one of the said judges, the licentiate, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, with powers to require and order Diego Velasquez not to despatch the armada. Upon his arrival, he found Diego Velasquez and all those armed people at the point of the island of Fernandina, ready to sail, and he required them, and those composing the armada, not to depart, because Your Highness would be badly served, and he threatened them with many penalties, notwithstanding which, and in spite of all the licentiate required and ordered, Velasquez still sent the armada. The licentiate, Ayllon, had come with them thinking to prevent the harm which would follow from the arrival of it, for it was notorious to him, and to everybody, that the armada came with evil intentions. Cortes Writes to Narvaez I sent this cleric to Narvaez with a letter of mine, in which I told him I had learned from the cleric, and those who came with him, that he was captain of the armada, and that I was glad it was he, as I had thought otherwise seeing that my messengers had not returned. I said, however, that, as he knew I was in this country in Your Highness's service, I marvelled that he did not write to me, or send me some messenger announcing his arrival, for he knew that I would be rejoiced at it, not only because of our old friendship, but also because he had come to serve Your Highness, which was what I most desired. Instead of which, I said, he had sent corruptors and letters of seduction to those under me in Your Majesty's service, inciting them to rebel against me, and join him, as if we were infidels the one, and Christians the other, vassals of Your Highness the one, and traitors the other. I asked him as a favour that from hence forward he would not use these means with me, but first let me know the cause of his coming. I said I had been told that he called himself CaptainGeneral, and Lieutenant-Governor for Diego Velasquez, and that he had so proclaimed himself by the public crier, publishing it in the country, and had named alcaldes and municipal officers, and had executed justice, all of which was against the good service of Your Highness, and against all your laws; that this was so because this country belonging to Your Majesty, and being peopled by your vassals, and having tribunals and municipal bodies in it, he should not appropriate to himself the said offices without first having received them, inasmuch as to exercise them he should bring provisions from Your Majesty; that, if he had brought any such, I asked as a favour, and required him to present them to me, and to the municipal authorities of Vera Cruz, as they would be obeyed by those authorities, and by me, as letters and provisions of our King and rightful Sovereign, and complied with as far as it would profit to the service of Your Majesty; and that I was in that city, where I held the monarch prisoner, and had a great sum of gold and valuables, belonging not only to Your Highness, but also to my company and myself, which I did not dare to leave, since I feared that, if I left the city, the people might rebel, and such a quantity of gold and jewels, and such a city, would be lost which meant the loss of the whole country. I likewise gave a letter to the said cleric for the licentiate Ayllon, who, as I afterwards learned, had been sent away, with two ships as a prisoner, by Narvaez before the cleric arrived. On the day the cleric left, I received a messenger from the citizens of Vera Cruz, who informed me, that all the natives had risen in favour of Narvaez, especially those of the city of Cempoal and their party, and that none would come to work in the said town and port, nor do anything else, because they said that Narvaez had told them that I was a traitor, and that he had come to take me and all my company prisoners, and to make us leave the country. As Narvaez's people were many, and mine few, and he had brought many horses, and much artillery, and I had little, they wished to be on the winning side. The messengers informed me also that they had learned from the Indians, that Narvaez would occupy the Cortes Leaves Mexico to Meet Narvaez city of Cempoal, knowing how near it was to their city, and they believed from what they were informed of the said Narvaez's bad intentions towards all, that he would from that place attack them, aided by the Cempoalans. They let me know that they were leaving the town, rather than fight with them, and to avoid scandal they would go up the mountain to the house of a chief, vassal of Your Highness, and our friend, where they would remain until I sent them directions what to do. As I saw the great mischief which was spreading, and that the country was rebelling on account of Narvaez, it appeared to me that, by going to him myself, all might be appeased, because the Indians would not dare to rebel on seeing me, and also because I thought to make some sort of arrangement with Narvaez for stopping the great evil at the outset. I thereupon started the same day, leaving the fort well provided with maize and water, and a garrison of five hundred men, with some cannon. Taking the others (some seventy men), I pursued my road, accompanied by some of Montezuma's principal people. Before I left, I made some explanation telling him "to look to the fact that he was a vassal of Your Highness, and that now he would receive the favours from Your Majesty for the services which he had rendered to you; that I entrusted to him those Spaniards, who would take care of all the gold and valuables which he had given me, or ordered me to give Your Highness; that I was longing to see the people who had arrived, and to learn who they were, as I did not yet know, but that I believed they were bad people and not vassals of Your Highness. He promised to provide those left behind with everything necessary and to take great care of all I left there, belonging to Your Majesty, and that his people who went with me would guide me by a road without quitting his country, and would provide me with everything I needed. He prayed me also, that, if these were bad people, to let him know, and he would immediately raise many warriors to attack them, and drive them out of the country. I thanked him for all this, and assured him that Your Majesty would order many favours to be shown him, and I gave many jewels and stuffs to him, to his son, and to many other lords who were with him at the time. In the city, called Churultecal, I met, returning with all his people, Juan Velasquez, the captain, whom, as I have said, I had sent to Quacucalco. Separating those who were indisposed, whom I sent to the city, I pursued my road with him and the others. Fifteen leagues beyond the city of Churultecal, I encountered that religious father (Fray Olmedo] of my company, whom I had sent to the port to learn what sort of people had come in the armada. He brought me a letter from Narvaez, in which the latter wrote me that he brought certain powers to hold this country for Diego Velasquez, and that I should immediately come to him to obey and submit to them, and that he had established a town with alcaldes and municipal officers. From the same religious, I learned that the licentiate Ayllon, as well as his notary and alguacil, had been taken, and sent away in two ships; that he himself had been approached there by parties, to win over some of my company to Narvaez; and how they had boasted before him, and certain Indians who accompanied him, of their forces, both of foot and cavalry, and had fired the artillery from the ships and on land in order to frighten them, saying to the religious, "See! how can you defend yourselves against us if you don't do as we wish you to do?" He told me also that he had seen with Narvaez one of the native lords of this country, vassal of the said Montezuma, and governor of all his country along the coast; and he learned that he had spoken to Narvaez on the part of Montezuma, giving him jewels of gold, and that Narvaez had also given him certain trifles; and that Narvaez had sent from there certain messengers to Montezuma, saying, that he would deliver him, for he had come to take me and all my company, and then leave the country, and that he wished no gold, but that, myself, and those who were with me, once prisoners, he intended to depart, and leave the country and the natives in their full liberty. Finally I learned that his intention was to possess himself of the country by his own authority, without asking recognition from anyone; and that if I and those of my company refused to accept him as captain, or justice in the name of Diego Velasquez, he would come against us, and capture us by force, and that for this purpose he had confederated with the natives, especially with Montezuma, by means of his messengers. When I saw how manifest was the harm which would result from the aforesaid proceedings against Your Majesty, especially as I was told of the great force he had brought, and Diego Velasquez's mandate that, as soon as he seized us, he should hang me, and others who were designated, I did not hesitate to approach nearer to him, believing that I might make him understand the great disservice which would result to Your Highness, and dissuade him from his evil intention and malicious disposition towards us. I continued my way, and fifteen leagues before arriving at the city of Cempoal, where Naraez was camped, there approached me the chaplain sent to me by the citizens of Vera Cruz, by whom I had written to Narvaez, and the licentiate Ayllon; he was accompanied by another cleric, and a certain Andres de Duero, householder of the Island of Fernandina, who had also come with Narvaez. They told me, on the part of Narvaez, in answer to my letter, that I might still obey and recognise him as my captain, and that I must yield the country to him, otherwise I should be punished, as Narvaez brought great forces with him, and I had very few, for besides the many Spaniards he had brought, most of the natives were in his favour; and that, if I would deliver the coimtry to him, he would give me all the ships and provisions I desired, and would allow me to go away with them, and all those who wished to leave with me, taking everything I desired without any hindrance from him. One of the clerics told me that Diego Velasquez had authorised this offer, and had given his instructions to Narvaez and the two Negotiations with Narvaez clerics jointly, so that, in this matter, they could make all the concessions I wished. I answered, that I did not perceive any warrants of Your Highness, directing me to deliver the country to them, and that if Narvaez brought any he should present them before me and the Municipal Council of Vera Cruz, according to Spanish law and custom, when I would be ready to obey and comply with them; but that, until then, I would not do as he said for any interest or concession, for I, and those who were with me, would rather die in defence of the country, which we had won and held pacified and sure for Your Majesty, than turn traitors, or forfeit our loyalty to our king. They advanced many other propositions to win me over to their project, but none would I accept without having seen the warrants of Your Highness authorising me so to do; and these they could not produce In conclusion, these clerics, Andres de Duero, and myself, agreed that Narvaez and myself, with as many others, should meet with perfect surety on both sides, when he would satisfy me of the warrants if he had brought any, and I would give my answer. I, on my part, sent him a safe conduct, signed, and he also sent me another, signed with his name, which as it seemed to me he had no thought of observing; for he had planned that, during the visit, some way or other should be found to kill me suddenly, and two of the ten who were to come with him had been designated to do this, while the rest were to fight with my attendants. They said, as a reason for this, that, once I was dead, their business could be finished; and in truth it would have been, if God, who in such cases intervenes, had not succoured me by a certain warning, which one of those concerned in the treachery had sent me together with their safe conduct. Knowing all this, wrote a letter to Narvaez, and another to the three commissioners, telling them that I had discovered their treacherous intention, and would not go as had been agreed. I immediately sent them certain requisitions and mandates, by which I required Narvaez to make known to me any warrants he brought from Your Highness, and that, until he had done so, he should not, under certain penalties I imposed, call himself captain or justice, or meddle with any duties pertaining to the said offices. In like manner, by the same mandate I commanded all the persons who were with him not to regard nor obey him as captain or justice, and summoned them, within a certain time designated, to appear before me, that I might instruct them what was proper to do in Your Highness 's service. I gave notice that, if they did otherwise, I should proceed against them as perfidious traitors and wicked vassals who had rebelled against their king, and sought to usurp his country and dominions, to deliver them to persons to whom they did not belong, and who had no claim nor right to them; and also in the execution of this order, that if they did not appear before me, or obey my mandate, I would proceed against them, and imprison them according to the law, Narvaez's answer was to imprison the notary who delivered the mandate, and the persons accompanying him, and to take from them certain Indians who accompanied them, who were all detained till another messenger arrived whom I sent to inquire after them. Before them he made a display of force, and threatened them, and also myself, if I did not deliver the country to him. Seeing that I could by no means prevent this great calamity and evil, and that the natives of the country were revolting, and rising day by day, recommending myself to God, and disregarding all injury that might follow, considering that if I died in the senrice of my king, and in the defence and upholding of his countries against usurpation, more than sufficient glory would cover me and my company, I gave my mandate to Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, to seize the persons of Narvaez, and those who called themselves alcaldes and municipal officers. I placed eighty men under his orders, to make the arrest, while I, with the remaining hundred and seventy (as in all we were two hundred and fifty men), followed on foot, without artillery or horses, so as to aid him if Narvaez and his companions should resist. On the same day, the alguacil mayor and I, with the rest of the people, arrived near the city of Cempoal, where Narvaez and his people were quartered. He learned of our coming, and canie out, with eighty horsemen, and five hundred footsoldiers, leaving the rest of his force in his quarters, which were in the great mosque of that strongly fortified city. Having marched to within almost a league of where we were, and not finding us, he believed he had been deceived, so he returned to his quarters, holding all his people in readiness, and placing two sentinels almost a league outside the town. As I wished to avoid all scandal, it seemed to me that there would be less if I went by night, unperceived if possible, directly to the quarters of Narvaez, which I and my men knew very well, and there seized him. For, once he was a prisoner, no trouble would arise, for the others wished to submit to justice, especially as most of them had been forced to come by Diego Velasquez, fearing that, unless they did, he might take away their slaves in the island of Fernandina. Thus it happened, on the feast of Pentecost, a little after midnight, I attacked the quarters. I had encountered the sentinels Narvaez had placed, and my vanguard captured one of them, from whom I informed myself of their position, but the other escaped; and in order that he should not arrive before me and give notice of my coming, I hastened as much as possible. The sentinel arrived, however, almost half an hour before me, and, when I approached, Narvaez and all his men were already armed, and had saddled their horses, and were well prepared, with two hundred men guarding each quarter. We moved so quietly, that, when they heard us, and seized arms, I was already inside the courtyard of his quarters, where all the people were gathered. They had taken possession of three or four strong towers which were in it, and all the other strong positions; and in one of the towers, where Narvaez was lodged, he had placed nineteen guns on the stairs. We reached the top of the tower so quickly, that they had not time to put fire to more than one of the pieces, which by God's will did not go off, or do us any harm. Thus we mounted the tower to the place where Narvaez slept, where about fifty men who were with him fought with the alguacil mayor and his force; and although required many times to yield themselves to Your Highness, surrendered only when fire was set to the tower. While the alguacil mayor was capturing Narvaez, I, with those who had stayed with me, defended the entrance of the tower against the rest who sought to come to his aid; and I ordered the artillery to be taken, and fortified myself with it. Thus, with no more loss than two men, who were killed by the discharge of a gun, all those we wished to take were made prisoners within an hour. After the rest had been disarmed, they promised to be obedient to the laws of Your Majesty, declaring that till then they had been deceived, as they had been told that Narvaez brought warrants from Your Highness, and that I had risen in rebellion in this country, and was a traitor to Your Majesty, together with many other similar things. As all now understood the truth, and the bad intentions and wicked disposition of Diego Velasquez and of Narvaez came to light, they rejoiced very greatly that God should have ordained and provided such an ending. For I assure Your Majesty, that, if God had not mysteriously intervened, and had Narvaez been victorious it would have been the greatest injury which for a long time past Spaniards had done to one another. Narvaez would have fulfilled his intention, as Diego Velasquez commanded him, which was to hang me, and many others of my company, so that no one should recount what had happened. And, according to what I learn from the Indians, they had perceived, that, if Narvaez were to capture me, as he had told them, it could not be without loss to himself and his people, nor without many of us perishing; so that they meanwhile could kill those whom I had left in Temixtitan, which, indeed, they attempted to do. Afterwards they intended to join forces, and attack those who remained here, and free their country, so that not even a memory of the Spaniards should survive. Your Highness may be assured that if they had achieved all this, and succeeded in their designs, this country, which has now been conquered and pacified, would not have been recovered within twenty years. As so many people could not be maintained together in this city, both because of its being nearly destroyed, and because it had been plundered by Narvaez, and abandoned by its inhabitants, two days after Narvaez had been taken prisoner, I sent two captains, with two hundred men each, one to go to the town and port of Cucicacalco, which as I have told Your Highness, I had founded, and the other to that river which the people from Francisco de Garay's ships said they had seen, for I now hold them securely. I likewise sent two hundred other men to the city of Vera Cruz, where I ordered Narvaez's ships to go. I remained with the rest of the people in Cempoal, to provide whatever Your Majesty's service required. I also sent a messenger to the city of Temixtitan, by whom I made known to the Spaniards I left there what had News from the Garrison in Mexico happened to me. These messengers returned within twelve days, bringing me letters from the alcalde there, telling me that the Indians had assaulted the fort on all sides, and set fire to it in many parts; that they had sunk mines, and that our people had been in much trouble and danger; and that, if Montezuma did not order the war to cease, they would yet perish, for they were closely surrounded, though there was no fighting, and no one could go two paces outside the fort. In the fight, the Indians had captured a great part of the provisions I had left them, and had burned my four brigantines. My men were in extreme need, and begged me for the love of God to come to their succour in all possible haste. Seeing the extremity in which these Spaniards were, and that if I did not rescue them, besides the Indians killing them, and taking all the gold, and silver, and valuables, which I had obtained in the country, belonging to Your Majesty and also to me and the Spaniards, the noblest and greatest city recently discovered in the world would be lost, and with it all else that had been gained, for it was the capital to which all gave obedience. I immediately sent messengers to the captains whom I had sent off with expeditions, telling them what had been written me from the capital, and directing them to return immediately from wherever they were found, and to come by the shortest route to the province of Tlascaltecal, where I, with the people, and all the artillery in my power, and the seventy horsemen, would unite with them. When we joined forces, and made a review, there were found to be seventy horsemen, and five hundred foot soldiers. I started in all haste with these troops for the capital, and the whole length of the road there never appeared anybody from Montezuma to receive me, as was customary, and all the country had risen, and was almost deserted, which aroused evil suspicions lest the Spaniards whom I had left in the city were dead, and the natives had gathered to await me at some pass, where they would take me at a disadvantage. Thus, fearful, I advanced with the utmost precaution until I reached the city of Tesnacan, which, as I have already recounted to Your Majesty, is on the shore of that great lake. I inquired of some of the natives there about the Spaniards who had remained in the great city, and was told that they were alive. I asked them to bring me a canoe, as I wished to send a Spaniard to obtain information, and said that while he was gone, one of the natives of the said city, who seemed to be a chief, must remain with me, because none of the lords and chiefs whom I knew appeared. The chief sent for the canoe, and dispatched certain Indians with the Spaniards whom I was sending, while he remained with me; but while this Spaniard was embarking to go to the city of Temixtitan, he saw another canoe coming across the lake, and waited in port until it arrived. In it came one of the Spaniards who had remained in the city, from whom I learned that they were all alive, except five or six whom the Indians had killed, and that the others were still besieged, and were not allowed to come out of the fort, nor did the Indians provide them with anything needful except on payment, and at a heavy price. Afterwards, however, when they heard of my coming, they had behaved somewhat better towards them, Montezuma saying that he waited only for my arrival, in order that they might again be free of the city as they used to be. Montezuma also dispatched a messenger to me with the said Spaniard, by whom he sent me word that he believed I already knew what had happened in that city, and that as he thought I might be angry on account of it, and inclined to vengeance, he besought me to put aside my anger because he was as much grieved as I, and that nothing had been done by his wish or consent. He sent me news of many other things, to appease the anger he supposed I felt for what had happened, desiring me to come to the city and saying that whatever I ordered would be complied with no less than before. I sent him word to say that I was not angry with him in any way, as his good will was well known to me, and that I would do as he desired. The next day, which was the eve of St. John Baptist, I left, and slept on the road, three leagues from the capital, and on St. John's Day, after having heard Mass, I entered about noon, and saw few people about the city. Some of the gates at the cross streets and entrances to the streets had been removed, which I did not like, although I thought that it had been done from fear, and that my arrival would reassure them. I marched directly to the fort, in which, and in the principal mosque adjoining, all my people were quartered; and those within the fort received us with as much joy as if we had given them anew their lives, which they had already looked upon as lost, and we rejoiced all that day and night, believing that peace had been restored. The next day after Mass I sent a messenger to Vera Cruz, to give them the good news that the Christians were alive, and that I was safe in the city. The messenger returned within half an hour, with his head all bruised and broken, calling out that the Indians in the city were in array of battle, and had raised all the bridges; and, immediately after him, such a great multitude fell upon us from all sides, that neither the roofs nor the houses could be seen for the crowd, which came on with the greatest shoutings, and most frightful yells which could be conceived in the world. With their slings, they threw so many stones into the fortress, that it seemed as if they rained from the heavens, while arrows and missiles were so thick, that all the buildings and courts were so full of them we could hardly move about. I sallied forth against them on two or three sides, where they fought us very valiantly, and in one place, where a captain had gone out with two hundred men, they killed four, and wounded him and many others, before he could retreat. On the other side, where I was engaged, they wounded me, and many other Spaniards. We killed few of them, for they retreated to the other side of the bridges, and from the roofs and terraces did us much injury with stones. Some terraces we captured and set on fire; but they were so many and so strong, and so filled with people, well supplied with stones and other kinds of weapons, that we were not strong enough to take them all, nor to defend ourselves against their attack at their pleasure. They attacked the fort so violently, and set fire to it in so many places, that on one side a great part was destroyed without our being able to prevent it, until we stopped it by breaking the walls, and pulling down a part which put out the fire. Had it not been for the strong guard of musketeers and archers with some field pieces I placed there, they would have scaled that part without our being able to resist them. Thus we fought all that day until night was well advanced, and even throughout the night they kept up their cries and yells. During the night, I had those breaches caused by the fire repaired, and all the rest of the fort which seemed weak to me; and I distributed the watch and the guards, for on the next day we would have to fight stoutly; and I cared for more than eighty wounded. At dawn the following day, the enemy opened the battle more stoutly than the day before, there being such a number of them that the artillery had no need to aim but just to shoot into the mases of Indians. Although the artillery did much damage, for thirteen arquebuses were playing, besides muskets and archery which were also doing service it seemed as if they did not feel it, for when one discharge would sweep away ten or twelve men, more would immediately fill their places, as if it had done no harm at all. Leaving the necessary guard, such as could be spared, in the fort, I again made a sortie, and captured some bridges, and burnt some houses, killing many of the defenders; but they were so numerous that, although we did them a good deal of damage, we made very little impression on them. We had to fight all day long, while they fought by hours, because they relieved one another, and even thus they had more than enough men. That day, they also wounded some fifty or sixty Spaniards, although none of them died; and I fought until nightfall, retiring only from sheer fatigue into the fort. Seeing the great damage the enemy did us, and how they wounded and killed us at will, and that, although we did much injury amongst them, it was hardly perceptible on account of their number, we spent that whole night and the next day in making three engines of wood, each accommodating twenty men, so that they could not hurt us throwing stones from the roofs, for the engines were covered with planks. Inside there were archers and musketeers, and others armed with pikes, pickaxes and bars of iron for making breaches in the houses, and knocking down the barricades which the Indians had made in the streets. While these machines were being made, the combat with our adversaries did not cease, for whenever we went out of the fort, they would strive to enter, being repulsed only with great difficulty, Montezuma, who with one of his sons and many other chiefs who had been captured at the beginning, was still a prisoner, asked to be carried to the roof of the fort where he could speak to the captains and the people, and cause the war to cease. I had him taken thither, and when he reached the parapet on the top of the fort, intending to speak to the people who were fighting there, one of his own subjects struck him on the head with a stone, with such force that within three days he died. I then had him taken out, dead as he was, by two of the Indian prisoners, who bore him away to his people; but I do not know what they did with him, except that the war did not cease, but went on more stoutly and more fiercely every day. That same day, they called me to the place where they had wounded Montezuma, saying that certain captains wished to speak to me. I went, and there passed many arguments between us, I beseeching them not to fight with me because there was no reason for it, as they must perceive the benefits they had received from me, and how they had been well treated by me. Their answer was that I must depart and leave them their country, and then the war would cease, and that otherwise I might be sure that they would either die, or finish us. It appears they did this to draw me out of the fort, so that they might, at their pleasure, trap me between the bridges, while in the act of leaving the city. I answered that they must not think I begged for peace from fear of them, but because I was grieved at the damage I had done them and would still have to do them; and also for the destruction of such a beautiful city. Still they answered that they would not cease to make war upon me until I left the city. After having completed the engines, I sallied out the next day to capture certain roofs and bridges, carrying the engines before us, followed by four pieces of artillery, many archers and shield bearers, and more than three thousand natives of Tascaltecal who had come with me and helped the Spaniards. When we reached one of the bridges, we placed the engines and scaling ladders against the walls of the terraces, in order to scale them; but the defenders of the said bridges and terraces were so numerous, and threw so many and such large stones at us from above, that they injured the engines and killed some of the Spaniards, and wounded many without our being able to advance one pace, although we struggled for it, fighting from morning till noon, when we returned to the fort with infinite sorrow. Their courage was increased so much by this, that they attacked us almost at the very doors, and occupied the great temple; about five hundred who appeared to me to be notable persons, ascended the highest and principal tower, carrying up a large supply of bread and water and other stores. Most of them had very long lances with very broad points, all longer and broader than ours, and not less sharpened and from there they did great injury to the people in the fort, for they were very near it. Two or three times the Spaniards attacked the tower and attempted to mount it, but, as it was very high, and the ascent very steep, being a hundred and odd steps, and those above were well supplied with stones and other arms, and favoured by the fact that we could not capture the neighbouring terraces, every time the Spaniards attempted to ascend they were rolled back beaten, and many were wounded. Others of the enemy who saw this from other parts took fresh courage, so that they attacked the fort fiercely. Cortes Captures the Great Teocalli Observing that if they succeeded in holding that tower, besides doing us much injury from it, they also gained fresh courage to attack us, I sallied out from the fort, although my left hand was maimed by a wound which I had received on the first day. I advanced to the tower with some Spaniards who followed me, and easily succeeded in surrounding the base, although those who surrounded it were not idle, as they had to fight the adversaries on all sides, who, for the purpose of helping their own men, came in increased numbers. And I began to ascend the tower, followed by some Spaniards, but they defended the ascent very stubbornly, throwing down three or four of my followers. With the help of God, and His Glorious Mother (for whose house that tower had been set aside, her image being placed in it), we reached the top, where we fought them so stoutly that they were forced to jump down on some terraces about a pace broad which extended round it. This tower had three or four of these terraces about sixteen feet one above the other. Some of the enemy fell all the way down, and, in addition to the injuries they received in the fall, were immediately killed by the Spaniards who surrounded the base of the tower. Those who remained on the terrace fought so valiantly, that we were more than three hours in completely dispatching them; and not one escaped. Your Sacred Majesty may believe that we captured this tower only because God had clipped their wings; because twenty of them were sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men even though they fought very valiantly till death. I had the tower set on fire, as well as others in the mosque, from which they had already taken away and carried off the images we had placed in them. Some of their pride was taken out of them by our obtaining this advantage, so that they fell back a little on all sides, and I afterwards returned to the roof, and spoke to the captains who had talked with me before, and who were somewhat dismayed by what they had seen. They immediately appeared, and I told them to look about and see that they could not hold out anywhere, and that every day we did them great harm and killed many, and that we were forced to burn and destroy their city, for I would not stop till there was nothing left of it or them. They answered, that they saw very well that they had sustained much damage from us, and that many of them had perished, but that they were already all fully determined to die, or be rid of us, and that I might behold how all these streets and squares and terraces were filled with people, who were so numerous that they had made their calculations that, if twenty-five thousand of them perished for every one of ours, they would finish with us first, for we were few and they were many. They told me all the high roads leading to the entrances to the city had been destroyed (as, in fact, they had destroyed all save one), and that we had no way of escape save by water; and that they knew very well that, as we had few provisions and little fresh water, we could not hold out much longer, for we would die by hunger, even if they did not kill us. In truth they were right, for, though we had no other enemy save starvation and the want of provisions, these would suffice to kill us in a short time. We exchanged many other arguments, each sustaining his own side. When night set in, I sallied forth with certain Spaniards, and, as we took them by surprise, we captured a street from them, burning more than three hundred houses. I quickly returned by another street, while the people had assembled in that one, in which I also burned many houses; especially some terraces which overlooked the fort, from which they did us much damage. They were greatly frightened by what we had done that night; and during the same night I ordered the engines, which had been damaged the day before, to be repaired. In order to follow up the victory God had given us, I sallied forth at daybreak into the same street where we had been routed the day before, where I found not less resistance than on the former occasion. As our lives and honour were at stake, and that street led to the only sound causeway extending to the mainland (though, before reaching it, we had to pass by eight very large and deep bridges, and in all the street there were many quite high terraces and towers) we set our determination and spirit in it, so that, God helping us, we gained four of them that day, and burned all the terraces, and houses, and towers, to the last of the bridges. They had, however, during the night before, made a number of very strong barricades of adobes and clay at all the bridges, so that the discharges of arrows from the crossbows could do them no harm. We filled in the bridges with the adobes and earth from the enclosures, and with a quantity of stones and wood from the houses we had burned, although this work was not done without danger, and many Spaniards were wounded. That night I took many precautions to guard those bridges so that they might not return and retake them. The next morning I again sallied forth, and God gave us likewise such good fortune and victory, although innumerable people defended the bridges, and many strong barricades which they had made during the night before, yet we captured them all, and filled them up. At the same time certain horsemen followed victoriously in pursuit of the fugitives as far as the mainland. While I was engaged in repairing the bridges, and in having them filled up, I was called in great haste, being told that the Indians who attacked the fort were suing for peace, and that certain chiefs and captains of them were awaiting me. Leaving my people and certain fieldpieces there, I, with two or three horsemen, went to see what the chiefs wanted. They said, that, if I would assure them that they would not be punished for what had occurred, they would raise the siege, re-establish the bridges, restore the causeways, and serve Your Majesty as they had before. They besought me to have brought there one of their people, a religious whom I had made a prisoner, and who was similar to a superior of their religion. He came, and spoke with them, and made an agreement between them and me; and, as it appeared, and according to what they had said, they immediately sent messengers to the captains and people who were in outside camps, telling them that the attack on Narrow Escape of Cortes the fort should cease, as well as all other hostilities. Thus we took our leave and I entered the fort to eat. When I was about to begin, some one came hastily, to say that the Indians had regained the bridges which we had captured that day, and had killed some Spaniards. God only knows how much disturbance this caused me, for I was thinking that we had assured a passage for our retreat. I mounted my horse with all possible haste, and rode through the length of the street, with some other horsemen following me, and, without halting anywhere, I again dashed through the Indians, and recaptured the bridges, pursuing the enemy to the mainland. As the foot soldiers were very tired, and wounded, and dismayed, none of them followed me, and this left me in a very dangerous situation after I had passed the bridges. When I sought to return, I found them retaken, and more deeply dug out than when we had filled them up, and from one side to the other all the causeway was full of people, not only on land, but also in canoes on the water, who goaded us, and stoned us in such a manner, that, if God had not interposed to save us it would have been impossible to escape; indeed it was even already announced in the city that I was dead. When I reached the last bridge nearest the city, I found all the horsemen who had gone with me fallen in it, and one horse loose, so that I could not pass, but was obliged to return alone in face of my enemies. I forced something of a passage, so that the horses passed, and after this, I found the bridge free, though I crossed with much trouble, for I had to jump the horse from one side to the other, almost six feet, but, as I and he were armoured, they did us no serious hurt beyond slight body wounds. Thus victory was theirs that night, for they had captured the said four bridges. Leaving a guard over the other four, I went to the fort, and had a wooden bridge constructed which forty men could carry, and, seeing our great danger, and the great damage we daily received from the Indians, and fearing also that they might destroy that causeway as they had the others, when we would all inevitably perish, and because many of my company entreated me many times to depart, and because all, or nearly all, were wounded so badly that they could no longer fight, I determined to leave that same night. I collected in a room all the gold and jewels belonging to Your Majesty that could be carried, and I delivered it in parcels to the officials of Your Highness, whom I designated in your royal name, beseeching and requiring the alcaldes, and municipal authorities, and all the people who were there, to help me take it away. I gave one of my mares for this purpose, on which they loaded as much as she could cany; and I designated certain Spaniards, not only from my servants, but also of the others, to accompany the said gold and mare, and the rest of the officials, alcaldes, municipal officers, and myself, gave and distributed the remainder to the Spaniards to carry away. Having abandoned the fort, and much treasure, belonging not only to Your Highness, but also to the Spaniards and The Sorrowful Night myself, I set forth as secretly as possible, taking with me a son and two daughters of Montezuma, Cacamazin, the lord of Aculuacan, and another of his brothers, whom I had put in his place, and some other chiefs of of the provinces and cities whom I held as prisoners. When we reached the bridges which the Indians had removed we laid down the bridge which I carried with little trouble at the first crossing, for there was none to offer resistance save certain watchmen who shouted so loudly, that, before we came to the second, an infinite multitude of the enemy had risen against us, battling on every side both on water and land. I crossed rapidly with five horsemen and five hundred foot-soldiers, with whom I passed all the other broken bridges swimming until I reached the mainland. Leaving those people there, I returned to the others and found that they were fighting stoutly; but the injury our people received was beyond calculation, not only the Spaniards, but also the Tascaltecas who were with us, being nearly all killed. Though the Spaniards killed many natives, many of the Spaniards and horses were killed, likewise, and all the gold, and jewels, and many other things which we carried, and all the artillery, were lost. When the survivors were collected, I pushed them on ahead, while I, with three or four horsemen and about twenty footsoldiers who ventured to remain with me, took the rearguard, fighting the Indians until we arrived at a city, called Tacuba, at the end of that causeway. God only knows how much trouble and danger I endured, because every time I faced about against our adversaries, I came back full of arrows, and darts, and stones, for as there was water on both sides, they could assail us with impunity and fearlessly. When we attacked those on land they would leap into the water, thus receiving very little hurt, except that some who in the skirmish interfered with each other and fell, were killed. With great trouble and fatigue, I conducted my remaining people to the city of Tacuba without being killed myself, nor having any Spaniard or Indian wounded, except one horseman who had gone with me to the rear. Those who went in the vanguard did not have less fighting than those on the flanks, although the strongest force was the one at our backs where the people of the city pursued us. When I reached the city of Tacuba, I found all the people in a panic in the square, not knowing where to go, so I made great haste to get them out into the country, before more of the inhabitants should gather in the said city and capture the roofs, from which they could do us great injury. The vanguard said they did not know the way, so I sent them to the rear, and took the lead myself until we had got clear of the city, where I awaited them at some farms. When the rearguard came up, I learned that they had sustained some injury, and that some of the Spaniards and Indians had been killed, and that much gold had been lost and left on the road, where the Indians gathered it up. I held the Indians in check there until all the people had passed on, so that the foot-soldiers might take the hill, on which there stood a strong tower and buildings. These they captured without sustaining any injury, for I did not leave my place, nor allow the enemy to advance, until they had secured the hill. God only knows the trouble and fatigue we sustained, for no horse of the twentyfour was left which could still run, nor any horseman who could raise his arms, nor a sound foot-soldier who could move. When we reached the buildings, we fortified ourselves in them, and the enemy surrounded us and besieged us until night, not leaving us an hour's rest. We found that over one hundred and fifty Spaniards were killed in this fight, forty-five mares and horses, and more than two thousand of the Indians who had aided the Spaniards; amongst the latter, they killed the son and daughters of Montezuma, and all the other chiefs whom we carried prisoners. At midnight, believing we were not observed, we left the said lodgings very silently, leaving many fires burning in it, not knowing any road, nor where we were going. except that an Indian of Tascaltecal told us he would guide us to his country if they did not stop us on the way. There were some watchmen very near who heard us, and alarmed many towns round about, from which numbers of people gathered and pursued us until daybreak. At that time five horsemen who rode ahead as scouts met some bands of people along the road, and killed some of them; these were routed under the belief that more horsemen and foot-soldiers were coming up. When I saw that our enemies were gathering from all sides, I got into order our people who were still fit for service, making squadrons, and placing them in the vanguard, rearguard, and on the flanks, with the wounded in the centre, and I likewise distributed the horsemen. Thus we continued all that day, fighting on all sides, so that during the whole night and day we did not advance more than three leagues. When night came on Our Lord was pleased to show us a tower and good lodging place on a hill, where we again fortified ourselves, and during that night they left us in peace, although at dawn we had some disturbance from a false alarm caused by our own fears of the multitude which kept coming in pursuit of us. The next morning, one hour after daybreak, I departed in the order already mentioned, taking my vanguard and rear-guard in good order; and on all sides we were followed by the enemy, yelling, and raising the whole country, which is thickly populated. The horsemen, although we were few attacked them, but did little harm amongst them, because, the ground being rough, they would retreat to the hills. In this manner, we marched that day along some lakes, till we reached a populous town, where we thought to have some skirmish with the townspeople. When we arrived there, they abandoned it, and went to some other towns thereabouts in the neighbourhood. I rested there that day and the next, not only because both the wounded and the sound ones of my people were very weary and exhausted with hunger and thirst, and the horses likewise were well tired out, but also because we found there some maize which we ate and carried away with us on the road, boiled and roasted. We left the next day, always pursued by our adversaries, who attacked us on the vanguard and rear-guard with many yells. We continued our march, guided by the Indian of Tascaltecal, during which we suffered much trouble and fatigue, for many times we lost our way. When it was already late, we reached a plain, where there were some small houses in which we lodged that night, suffering great want of food. Early next morning we began our march, and, before we reached the road, our enemies still followed our rearguard. Constantly skirmishing with them, we arrived at a large town, two leagues distant, where there were some Indians stationed on the top of a small hill to the right. Believing that we might capture them, as they were near the road, and also discover if there were just behind the hill, any more than those who were visible, I started round the said hill with five horsemen and twelve foot-soldiers, and behind it there was a great city of many people with whom we engaged fiercely. On account of the rocky country, and the great number of their people, and our small numbers, we had to retire to the town where our people were. I came out of this, very badly wounded in the head by two sling stones, and after binding up the wounds I made the Spaniards leave the town, because it did not seem to me a safe camp for us; and we marched thus with great numbers of Indians pursuing us, fighting so stoutly that they woimded four or five Spaniards and as many horses. They killed us a horse, also, and God only knows how great was its value to us, and what pain we suffered at its death, because, after God, our only security The Battle of Otumba was the horses; but we consoled ourselves with its meat, and ate it without leaving even the skin, so great was our want; for, since leaving the capital, we had nothing to eat but roasted and boiled corn, and not always enough of that, and, in addition, some herbs which we gathered in the country. Seeing that the enemy increased every day, and grew stronger, and that we were becoming weaker, that night I ordered the wounded and sick, whom we carried behind us on our horses, to provide themselves with crutches and other contrivances for supporting themselves, so that the horses and sound Spaniards would be free to fight. From what happened to us the next day, it seemed that the Holy Ghost had inspired me with this thought, for, after we had left this camp in the morning, and marched about a league and a half, so great a multitude of Indians came out to encounter me, that all about us we could not see the ground, so completely was it covered by them. They attacked us on all sides so violently that we could not distinguish each other, for being so pressed and entangled with them. Certainly we believed that to be our last day, so great was the force of the Indians and so feeble the resistance they encountered in us; for we were already exhausted, and almost all of us wounded and fainting from hunger. But Our Lord was pleased to show His great power and mercy to us, for, with all our weakness, we broke their great pride and haughtiness, in that many of their prominent and important persons perished, for they were so many that they hindered one another, and were unable either to fight or to fly. We spent a great part of the day in this struggle, until it pleased God that one of those persons, who must have been an important chief, fell, for with his death all the battle ceased. After this, we continued our way more easily, although some of them still harassed us until we reached a small house in the plain, where we lodged that night and on the open ground. From there we first descried certain mountains of the province of Tascaltecal, at which not a little joy filled our hearts, because we recognised the country, and knew our way, although we were not quite positive of finding the natives faithful and friendly; for we feared that, seeing us so reduced, they might wish to put an end to our lives, in order to recover the liberty which they had formerly enjoyed. This thought and suspicion cast us into an affliction which equalled that which we felt whilst fighting with the Culuans. The next morning at daybreak, we began to march by a very level road which led directly to the said province of Tascaltecal upon which only a few of our adversaries followed, although very near were many large towns; from some hills in our rear, though, from a distance, they still continued yelling at us. On this day, which was Sunday, July 8th, we left all the country of Culua, and entered the province of Tascaltecal, at a village of some three or four thousand households, called Gualipan, where the natives received us very well, and somewhat relieved our great hunger and weariness, although for much of the provision which they gave us they asked payment, and would only accept gold. This we were obliged in our great necessity to give. We remained three days in this town, and Magiscatzin, and Sicutengal, and all the chiefs of the said province and some of those of Quasucingo, came to see and speak to me, showing much grief for what had happened to us, and endeavouring to console me, reminding me that they had often told me that the Culuans were traitors against whom I should be on my guard, but that I would not believe it. Inasmuch as I had escaped alive, they said I ought to rejoice, for they would aid me until death to obtain satisfaction for the injury the Culuans had done me. They added that they felt obliged to do this as vassals of Your Highness, besides which they also suffered because of the many sons and brothers who had perished in my company, and on account of other injuries which in past times they had received, so I might be sure they would be my true and steadfast friends until death. As I now came wounded and almost all of my company exhausted, they wanted us to go into the city, four leagues from this town, where we might rest, and they would care for us and restore us. I was very grateful to them, and accepted their invitation, and gave them some few things from the valuables which had escaped, at which they were well contented; and I went with them to the said city, where I likewise had a good reception. Magiscatzin brought me a bedstead of finely finished wood, with some bed-clothing, such as they used, for me to sleep in, for we brought none; and he helped everybody with all that he had and could. When I quit this city for Temixtitan, I had left here certain sick persons and some of my servants with silver and wearing apparel belonging to me, and certain other household things and provisions, in order to march forward unencumbered lest anything should happen to us, and all the documents and agreements which I had made with the natives of these parts should be lost. All the clothing of the Spaniards who came with me had likewise been left, as they only took away what they wore, and their bedding. I learned that another servant of mine had come from Vera Cruz, bringing provisions and things for me. He had been accompanied by horsemen and forty-five foot-soldiers, and had likewise taken with him the others whom I had left there. He carried all the silver and clothing, my own as well as that of my companions, with seven thousand dollars of melted gold, which I had left there in two chests, without counting other valuables, and other fourteen thousand dollars of gold in pieces, which had been given, in the province of Tuchitepeque, to that captain whom I had sent to build the town of Quacucalco. He carried also many other things which were worth more than thirty thousand dollars of gold. This I learned, and also that the Indians of Culua had killed them all on the road, and taken their treasure. I likewise learned that they had killed, on the roads, many other Spaniards who were coming to the city of Temixtitan, believing that I was there at peace, and that the roads were as secure as I had before held them. I assure Your Majesty that all of us were plunged into such sadness by this news that it could hardly have been worse, because the loss of these Events in Tlascala Spaniards and the treasure recalled the deaths and losses of the Spaniards who had been killed in the city, at the bridges, and on the road; and especially as it roused much suspicion in me that, in like manner, the people of Vera Cruz might have been attacked, and that those whom we considered our friends might have rebelled, upon hearing of our defeat. To learn the truth, I immediately dispatched messengers accompanied by Indians to guide them, whom I ordered to avoid the high road until they arrived at Vera Cruz, and to let me know promptly what had happened there. It pleased Our Lord that they should find the Spaniards very well, and the natives perfectly faithful. It was a great relief to learn this after our losses and griefs, though it was very bad news for them to hear of our disaster and rout. I remained twenty days in this province of Tascaltecal, healing my wounds which with the poor care on the road had become much worse, especially the wound on my head; and I also had all the wounded of my company cared for. Some of them died, not only from their wounds, but also on account of our past troubles; others remained maimed in their arms, and others lame in their legs, for their wounds were very bad, and for curing them there was very little means. I myself lost two fingers of my left hand. Seeing that many of ours were dead, and that those who survived were wounded, and disheartened by the dangers and troubles through which they had passed, and fearing others still ahead, my men entreated me many times to go to Vera Cruz; for there we could fortify ourselves before those Expedition to Tepeaca natives, whom we still considered our friends, seeing our rout and diminished numbers, could join with our enemies, and, taking the passes over which we had to cross, attack us on the one side, and our people at Vera Cruz on the other. Being there together, and having ships we would be stronger and better able to defend ourselves, in case they should attack before we summoned aid from the Islands. I, however, remembered that Fortune is always on the side of the daring, and that we were Christians, confiding in the very great mercy of God, who would never permit us to perish; and I considered that to show so little courage before the natives, especially our friends, might cause them to abandon us the sooner, and turn against us; that this great and noble country, at peace and on the point of being secured under Your Majesty, would be lost. The war must be continued, to bring about the pacification of this country as it was before, and I determined on no account to go to the sea-port, but rather, disregarding all difficulty and danger which might offer, I said that I would not abandon this country; for besides its being disgraceful to me and very dangerous to all, we would act treasonably towards Your Majesty, and I was determined to return against the enemy from all possible points, and to take the offensive against them in every way I could. After stopping twenty days in this province, although I was not yet well of my wounds, and those of my com pany were still somewhat weak, I left for another, called Tepeaca, which belonged to the league and confederation of Culua, our enemy. I had been informed that the inhabitants there had killed ten or twelve Spaniards who were on their way by the road which passes there, from Vera Cruz to the capital. The said province of Tepeaca borders with those of Tascaltecal and Churultecal, for it is very large. As we were entering that province, many natives came out to attack us, defending the road, as best they could, by fortifying themselves in strong and dangerous positions. To avoid prolixity, I do not give an account of all the particulars of this war; I will only say that, after the requirements had been made on the part of Your Majesty, that they should make peace, and they had refused to submit, we fought with them several times; and, with the help of God, and the royal good fortune of Your Highness, we always scattered them, and killed many, without their killing one of us in the whole course of the said war, or wounding one solitary Spaniard. Although, as I have said, this province is very large, I pacified many cities and provinces subject to it in about twenty das, and the lords and chiefs of it came and offered themselves as vassals to Your Majesty. Moreover I expelled many Culuans, who had come to this province to help the natives in making war upon us, and to hinder them by fair means or foul from becoming our friends. Thus I had to busy myself up till now in this matter which is not yet altogether finished, for there are still some cities and towns to be pacified, which by the help of Our Lord will shortly be, like these others, subject to the royal dominion of Your Majesty. In a certain part of this province, where they killed those ten Spaniards, the natives were always very active in the war, and very rebellious, and had to be reduced by force of arms. I made a number slaves, of whom I gave a fifth part to the officials of Your Majesty. I did this especially as, in addition to their having killed the said Spaniards, and rebelled against the service of Your Highness, they eat human flesh, a fact. so notorious that I do not send proofs of it to Your Majesty. I was also moved to make the said slaves in order to strike terror into the Culuans, and also because there are many who will never mend themselves until great and severe punishment is inflicted upon them. We entered upon this war with the aid of the natives of Tascaltecal, and Churultecal, and Quasucingo, by which our friendship has been well confirmed; and we are convinced that they will always serve Your Highness as loyal vassals. While conducting this war in the province of Tepeaca, I received letters from Vera Cruz, telling me that two ships had arrived in that port, belonging to Francisco de Garay who it appears had again sent more people to that great river which I described to Your Highness, and that the natives there had fought with them, killing seventeen or eighteen Christians, and wounding many others. They had likewise killed seven horses, and the remaining Spaniards who returned to the ships had escaped by their good legs. The captains and all of them had arrived very much shattered and wounded, and my lieutenant had received them very kindly and taken care of them. That they might convalesce the Founding of Segura de la Frontera better, he had sent some of the said Spaniards to the country of a friendly chief near there, where they were well attended to and provided for. All this grieved su as much as our own past troubles, but perchance this rout would not have happened to them if they had united with me at first, as I have already recounted to Your Highness; for I was then well inforned about everything in these parts, and they would have had such advice from me that what had happened could not have occurred, especially as the lord of that river and country, called Panuco, had given himself as a vassal to Your Majesty. In recognition of his allegiance he had sent me certain gifts by his messenger to the city of Temixtitan, as I have already stated. I have written to Vera Cruz, that if the captain of Francisco de Garay desires to leave, to lend him assistance, and help him to dispatch his ships. After having pacified and subjugated to the royal service of Your Highness all of this province which has been pacified, Your Majesty's officials and I con ferred many times respecting the measures to be taken for its security. Seeing that the natives had first given themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and then rebelled and killed the Spaniards, and that they were on the road and pass where the traffic of all the sea-ports had to pass towards the interior, we considered that, if it were left to itself as before, the natives of this country, and also of Culua who were very near, would again try to seduce them into rebellion, from which would follow much harm and impediment to the pacification of these parts, and to the service of Your Highness; and the said traffic would cease, especially as on the road to the coast there are two very steep and rough passes, which confine with the said province, where the natives could defend themselves with little difficulty. For this, as well as for other reasons and weighty causes, it seemed to us that, to prevent the aforesaid evils, a town should be founded in the best part of the said province of Tepeaca, where the necessary conditions could be found for the colonists. And for the purpose of carrying this out, I, in the name of Your Majesty, gave the said town the name of Segura de la Frontera, and I named alcaldes and municipal and other officers as is customary; and, for the better security of the householders of this town, materials are being brought to build a fort on the place I designated; as materials hereabouts are of good quality, all possible haste shall be employed. While writing this account, messengers came to me from the chief of the city, called Guacachula, about five leagues from this province, and situated at the entrance of a pass leading to the province of Mexico. They told me, on behalf of the said chief, that several days before they had intended to come to me to tender the obedience they owed to Your Majesty, as your vassals, and I must not consider them culpable, believing their failure to do so was voluntary. They told me that some captains of Culua were lodged in their city, and that in it and about a league distant were thirty thousand men in garrison, guarding that pass, to prevent our crossing it, and also to prevent the natives of their city and other neighbouring provinces from serving Your Majesty, and becoming our friends; and they said they would have come to offer themselves to Your Royal service, had those men not prevented them. They let me know this that I might remedy it, because, besides the obstruction it was to those who were well disposed, the people of the city and neighbourhood suffered much injury, as they were taxed and ill-treated by the many armed warriors who took their women and chattels. If I would help them, they said they would obey any orders I gave them. After thanking them for their information and offer, I immediately gave them thirteen horsemen, two hundred foot-soldiers, and some thirty thousand Indian allies, to accompany them. It was agreed that they should lead them by roads where they would not be seen, and, when they approached near the city, its chiefs, and inhabitants, and other vassals and confederates, should be notified, and should surround the quarters where the captains were, to capture and kill them before their men could help them, so that, when the latter did appear, the Spaniards would already be in the city waiting to fight and rout them. They and the Spaniards marched by the city of Churultecal and through some parts of the province of Quasucingo, which borders on the territory of Guacachula within four leagues of it; and, in a town of the said province of Quasucingo, it is said that they told the Spaniards that the natives of that province were leagued with the Guacachulans and Culuans to entice the Spaniards with this project to the said city, where they could kill them. As the fright, with which the Culuans in their city and country had inspired them, had not yet altogether abated, this information alarmed the Spaniards; and the captain whom I had sent with them made an investigation, and took prisoner all those chiefs of Quasucingo who were with them, and the messengers from the city of Guacachula, and returned with them to the city of Churultecal, four leagues from there. Thence, together with the proofs he had obtained, he sent to me all the prisoners, attended by horsemen and foot-soldiers. The captain also wrote me that our people were frightened because the enterprise seemed very difficult. On the arrival of the prisoners I spoke to them by my interpreter, and, having used all diligence to learn the truth, it appeared that the captain had misjudged them so I immediately set them free and satisfied them, protesting that I believed them loyal vassals of Your Sacred Majesty, and that I would go myself to destroy the Culuans. To avoid showing any timidity or hesitancy to the natives, both friends and enemies, it seemed that I ought not to abandon the proposed expedition. To relieve the fears of some of the Spaniards, I determined to suspend other business, and the dispatch for Your Majesty which I was writing, and thus I set out that same hour with all possible haste, arriving the same day at the city of Churultecal (which is eight leagues from this city) where I found the Spaniards, who still affirmed their conviction of the treachery. The next day, I slept in the town of Quasucingo, where the chiefs had been arrested. Having agreed with the messengers of Guacachula as to where and how we should enter their city, I started the next day, one hour before daybreak, arriving near it about ten o'clock in the morning. About half a league distant from it, certain messengers of the city met me on the road to tell me that everything was well planned and ready, and that the Culuans knew nothing of our coming, because the natives of the said city had captured certain of their spies, who were on the road, and also some others whom the Culuan captains had stationed on the walls and towers of the city to overlook the country. All our adversaries were thus off their guard, believing they were protected by their watchmen and spies; hence I might advance undiscovered. I therefore made haste to reach the city unseen, for we were marching over a plain where we might easily be observed. It appeared that as soon as the townspeople perceived us, and saw how near we were, they immediately surrounded the quarters of the captains, and began to attack the others scattered throughout the city. When I arrived within a bow shot of the city, as many as forty prisoners were brought to me, and I made the more haste to enter. There was a great uproar in all the streets of the city. Fighting with the adversaries, and guided by the inhabitants, I reached the captains' quarters which I found surrounded by more than three thousand men striving to enter the gate. They had taken possession of the upper stories and terraces, but the captains fought so well and so steadily that they could not force an entrance; although the Culuans were few, they fought like valiant men, and besides the building was strong. When I arrived, we entered with so many natives that it was impossible to prevent the defenders being killed forthwith; for I wished to take some alive, in order to get information about matters in the capital, and to learn who was sovereign after the death of Montezuma, and about other things. I could only rescue one more dead than alive, who informed me as I shall relate hereafter. They killed many who were quartered in the city, and the survivors, learning of my coming, began to fly towards the garrison, but many of them were likewise killed in the pursuit. This tumult was so quickly heard and understood by the men of the garrison, who were on a certain elevation, commanding the city and the surrounding plain, that those who were escaping from the city encountered the others who were coming to its relief to see what had happened. The latter were altogether more than thirty thousand men, and the most brilliant troops we had yet seen, for they wore many ornaments of gold, and silver, and feathers, and, as the city was large, they began to set fire to it in the quarter where they entered. This became quickly known to the inhabitants, and I sallied forth with only horsemen, for the foot-soldiers were already very tired. We broke through the enemy, who retreated to a position which we took from them, following them up and overtaking many of them on a very rough slope, so that when we gained the top neither the enemy nor ourselves were able to advance or retreat. Many fell dead, without a wound, stifled by the heat, and two horses were exhausted, one of which died. We did much damage, for many of our Indian allies came up, and, as they arrived fresh and the adversaries were almost dead, they killed many, so that in a very short time the field was cleared of the living, and covered with the dead. We reached the barracks and huts which they had recently made in the field, and which were in three divisions each of which appeared like a good-sized village. In addition to their warriors, they had a great display of servants, and provisions, and camp supplies, there having been, as I learned afterwards, some notable persons in it. All was despoiled and burned by our Indian friends, who, I assure Your Majesty, had gathered to the number of one hundred thousand men. Having by this victory expelled all the enemy from the country, and driven them beyond some bridges and narrow passes, we returned to the city, where we were well received, and quartered by the inhabitants; and we rested in that city three days, being in great need of repose. At this time, the natives of a large city, called Ocupatuyo (which is on the top of these sierras, two leagues from the enemy's camp, and also at the foot of the mountain chain, where I said the smoke comes out), came to offer themselves to the service of Your Majesty. They said that their chief had gone away with the Culuans when we pursued them, believing that we would not stop before reaching his city, but that they had desired my friendship for many days, wishing to come and offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, although their chief would not allow it nor consent to it, in spite of their having entreated his permission. They said that now they wished to serve Your Highness, and that the Fortifications of Guacachula brother of the said chief, who had shared their opinion and intentions was likewise still of the same mind. They prayed me that I would approve his succession to the lordship, and that although the other might return, I would not consent to his being received as their chief; if so neither would they receive him. I told them that, as they had been of the league and confederation of Culua, and had rebelled against the service of Your Majesty, they deserved severe punishment, and that I had thought to execute it upon their persons and property; but, inasmuch as they had come, saying their chief was the cause of their rebellion and uprising, I, in the name of Your Majesty, pardoned their past error, and received and admitted them to Your Royal service. I warned them that if they committed a similar error again they would be punished and chastised, but if they proved loyal vassals of Your Royal Highness, I would favour and help them in Your Royal name; and they promised to do this. This city of Guacachula is situated in a plain, bounded on one side by very high and rugged hills, and on the other by two rivers about two bow shots apart, each of which flows through very deep and large ravines. There are, consequently, very few entrances to the city, and those which exist are so rough to ascend and descend, that it can hardly be accomplished on horseback. The entire I city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and mortar, the outside being about twenty feet high, while from the inside it is about on the same level with the ground. There is a battlement along the wall three feet high, to protect them in fighting, and they have tour entrances, broad enough for a man to enter on horseback. At each of these entrances, there are three or four curves in the wall, doubling one over the other, and above these turnings there is also a battlement on the walls, from which they can fight. They keep a great quantity of all sorts of large and small stones all along this wall which they use in fighting. This city may have some five or six thousand households, and in the surrounding hamlets subject to them as many others or more. It is very extensive, and within the city are many gardens of fruits and aromatic herbs, as is their custom. After resting three days in this said city, we went to another, called Izzucan, four leagues distant from Guacachula, because I was informed that there were many Culuans in garrison there also, and that the people of the said city, and of other towns and places dependent on them, were, and showed themselves to be, very partial to the Culuans because their chief was a blood relation of Montezuma. So many of the natives, vassals of Your Majesty, accompanied me that they almost covered the country and the mountains as far as we could see, and in truth there were more than one hundred and twenty thousand men; and we arrived at the said town of Izzunca at ten o'clock, finding it deserted by women and young people, but there were about five or six thousand well-armed warriors in it. When the Spaniards appeared before it, they attempted some defence of their city, but they shortly abandoned it, because from the side to which we were guided for entering we found a practical entrance. We pursued them through the city, forcing them to jump over the crenellated top of the wall into a river which surrounds it on the other side, whose bridges being destroyed we were somewhat delayed in crossing it; and we followed in pursuit of them about a league and a half, in which distance I believe few escaped. Returning to the city, I sent two of its natives who had been taken prisoner to speak to the principal persons of the city, for the chief of it had also gone with the Culuans of the garrison, so as to induce them to return to their city; and I promised them in the name of Your Majesty that, being loyal vassals of Your Highness from henceforth, they would be well treated by me, and their rebellion and past error forgiven. These natives left, and three days later some of the principal persons came and asked pardon for their error, saying that they could not have acted otherwise, because they had done what their chief commanded them, but that they promised from henceforth, inasmuch as their chief had gone and left them, to serve Your Majesty well and loyally. I reassured them, telling them to return to their homes, and to bring back their wives and children who were in other places and towns of their allies; and I told them likewise to tell the inhabitants of those towns to come to me and I would pardon them the past, for they would not like that I should be obliged to come to them, as then they would sustain much damage, which would greatly grieve me. Thus it was done, and within two days that city of Izzucan was again populated; and its dependencies came to offer themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and all that province remained very secure, and, with those of Guacachula, our friends and allies. A certain difference arose as to whom the province of this city of Izzucan belonged in the absence of the chief who had gone to Mexico. The former rightful chief of this province had been put to death by Montezuma, who, in his place put the present ruler, whom he had married to one of his own nieces; and a dispute had arisen as to the right of succession between a bastard son of the murdered chief and the son of his legitimate daughter, who had married the chief of Guacachula. It was agreed amongst them, that the lordship should be inherited by that son of the chief of Guacachula who descended by the legitimate line from the old chief, for, although the other was a son, he could not inherit my presence they gave obedience to that boy, who was about ten years old; and, not being of an age to govern them, they decided that the bastard uncle should act with three other chiefs, one of Guacachula, and two of Izzucan, who should be governors of the country and should have control of the boy until he should be of an age to rule. This city of Izzucan may have some three or four thousand households, and its streets and markets are well laid out. It has one hundred mosques and strong oratories with their towers, all of which we burnt. It stands on a plain at the foot of a medium-sized hill, where they have a very good fort, and, on the other side towards the plain, it is surrounded by a deep river which flows near the wall, which is thus surrounded by the deep ravine of the river. Over the ravine they have made a battlement, about six feet in height, which extends all round the city, and all along the wall they had placed many stones. The valley is circular, and very fertile in fruits and cotton, which latter is not produced on the heights because of the cold, and it belongs to tierra caliente because it is well protected by the mountain ranges. The whole valley is irrigated by well constructed aqueducts. I remained in this city until I could leave it well peopled and pacified. There likewise came to it, to offer themsevles as vassals of Your Majesty the chief of the city called Guajocingo, and the lord of another city, ten leagues distant from that of Izzucan, on the frontier of Mexico. There came also people from eight of the towns of the province of Coastoaca. This is one of those mentioned in previous chapters, where the Spaniards, whom I had sent to seek gold in the provinces of Zuzula and Tamazula (for they joined each other) had said that there because he was a bastard. Thus it was settled, and in were very great towns and houses, well built of the best masonry, such as we had not seen in any of these parts. This province of Coastoaca is forty leagues from that of Izzucan. The natives of the said eight towns offered themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and said that four others in the same province would come very soon. They asked me to excuse them if they had not dared to do so before for fear of the Culuans, but said that they never had taken up arms against me, nor had they Montezuma's Successor participated in the killing of any Spaniards, and that always since offering themselves to the service of Your Highness they had been good and loyal subjects in their hearts, but had not dared to manifest it out of fear of the Culuans. Thus Your Highness may be very sure that, Our Lord favouring Your Royal good fortune, we shall within a short time regain what was lost, or the greater part of it; because every day many provinces and cities, who before were subject to Montezuma, come to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty; for they see that those who do so are well received and treated by me, and that those who do otherwise are destroyed one after another. From prisoners taken in the city of Guacachula, especially from that wounded man, I learned very fully about the affairs of the capital of Temixtitan, and how, after the death of Montezuma, a brother of his, lord of the city of Iztapalapa, called Cuetravacin, had succeeded to the lordship, because the son of Montezuma, who should have inherited the sovereignty was killed at the bridges and of his two other living sons one is said to be mad, and the other palsied. They said that for these reasons and because he had made war against us, the brother had inherited, and was regarded as a very valiant and prudent man. I likewise learned how they were fortifying, not only the city, but other places in the dominion, and how they were preparing walls, barricades, trenches, and all kinds of arms; and I learned especially that they were making long lances, like pikes, for the horses, and we have even seen some of these with which they were fighting in the province of Tepeaca, and in the hamlets and buildings where the Culuans were quartered at Guacachula, we likewise found many of them. I learned many other things which I omit in order not to weary Your Highness. Small-pox, which raged throughout the country. To this dread pest, called by the Aztecs, Teozahuatl — Cuitlahuac fell a victim, and after a brief reign of eighty days, died on Nov. 25, 1520. During this period he had exerted every effort to unite all the forces of Mexico against the common enemy, sending embassies to friends and foes alike, urging that old differences be buried for the moment, and that all should make common cause to expel or destroy the strangers. He found a supporter in Xicotencatl, who, like himself had never believed in the semi-divine character of the teules, or gods as the Spaniards were commonly termed, but had from the first distrusted them, and counselled their destruction. Maxixcatzin withstood Xicotencatl in the Tlascalan Senate when the embassy from Mexico appeared proposing an alliance; in the acrimonious dispute which ensued, the old Senator struck the young General, and knocked him down the steps of the rostrum. Maxixcatzin prevailed over the divided opinions, and the ambassadors withdrew hurriedly to report their failure to their sovereign. Cortes was informed of these negotiations, and visited Maxixcatzin to thank him for holding the Republic to the Spanish Alliance. As will be seen in a note to the Third Letter, Xicotencatl's sentiments towards the Spaniards never changed. His foresight was keener than that of his countrymen, and he discerned that the white men were far more formidable enemies than the Mexicans, but the lust for present revenge prevailed over considerations of future independence. Xicotencatl was unsupported, and, in the end, he paid with his life the price of his invincible aversion. I sent four ships to the island of Hispaniola, that they might return quickly with horses and people for our assistance; and I likewise sent to buy four others, so that they might bring from the island of Hispaniola, and the city of San Domingo, horses and horsemen, bows, and powder, because this is what we most need in these parts. Foot soldiers armed with shields are of little service, on account of the great number of people, and their having so great and such strong cities and forts. I therefore wrote to the licentiate Rodrigo de Figueroa, and to Your Highness's officials in the said island, asking them to favour and assist me as much as possible, as it was of such importance to Your Highness's services, and the security of our lives, since, on the arrival of this help, I intended to return against the capital and its country; and I believe, as I have already told Your Majesty, that it will again in a short time return to the condition in which I had it before, and that the past losses will be made good. Meanwhile, I am engaged in building twelve brigantines to launch on the lake, and already they are making the decking and other parts of them, because they have to be carried overland, so that on their arrival they may be joined and completed in a short time. Nails are also being made for them, and the pitch, sails, tow, oars, and other things, which are necessary are being got ready. I assure Your Majesty that, until I achieve this end, I shall take no rest, nor shall I cease to strive in every possible way and manner for it, disregarding all the danger, and trouble, and cost, which may come upon me. Two or three days ago, I learnt by a letter from my lieutenant at Vera Cruz, that a small caravel had arrived in that port with about thirty seamen and landsmen, who said they were seeking the people whom Francisco de Garay had sent to this country. Of these latter I have written to Your Majesty that they arrived in such want of provisions that, if they had not found succour there, they would have died from hunger and thirst. I learned from them how they had reached the river Panuco, remaining anchored there thirty days without seeing any people along all the river or in the country, from which it is believed that that country has been deserted on account of what had happened there. The people of the said caravel likewise said that two or three other ships of the said Francisco de Garay would follow immediately behind them with people and horses, and that they believed they had already passed down the coast. It seemed to me, then, that it was not in compliance with Your Highness's service that these ships and people should be lost through going in ignorance of the affairs of the country, as the natives might do them more harm than they had the first ones. The said caravel should be sent to seek those two ships, in order to notify them of what had happened, and to bring them to the port of the said city, where the captain sent by Francisco de Garay was waiting for them. And God grant that he finds them in time before they go ashore, because, as the natives were already on the look-out, and the Spaniards were ignorant, I fear they may sustain much harm, and that it would not serve God Our Lord and Your Highness, for it would enrage those dogs the Indians all the more, and inspire them with more courage and daring against those who might come hereafter. I said in one of the preceding chapters, that I had learned that, after the death of Montezuma, his brother, called Cuetravacin, who had been raised as lord, was preparing many kinds of arms, and fortifying himself in the capital, and in other cities near the lake. And a short time since, I have likewise learned that the said Cuetravacin has sent his messengers to all the countries, provinces, cities, subject to the said sovereignty, to promise his vassals that he has graciously remitted during one year all tributes and taxes which they are obliged to pay him, on condition that they would use every means to make a very cruel war on all Christians, either killing them or expelling them from the country; and that they were to do in like manner to all natives who were our friends or allies. Although I have trust in Our Lord that they will not be able to carry out their intention, I am in extreme need of help and aid, because the Indians, our friends, come daily from many cities, towns, and hamlets, to ask for help against their enemies and ours, the Culuans, who make war on them because they hold to our friendship and alliance, and I am not able to help everywhere as I would wish. But, as I say, may it please Our Lord to augment our few forces, and to send, not only His own help, but also that which I have sent to ask from Hispaniola. From what I have seen and understood concerning the similarity between this country and Spain, in its fertility, its size, its climate, and in many other features of it, it seemed to me the most suitable name for this country would be New Spain of the Ocean Sea, and thus in the name of Your Majesty I have christened it. I humbly supplicate Your Highness to approve of this and order that it be so called. I have written to Your Majesty, although badly expressed, the truth of all that has happened in these parts and whatever it was most necessary Your Highness should know, and, by my other letter which goes with this present, I send to supplicate Your Royal Excellency to send a trustworthy person to make an enquiry and investigation of everything, for the purpose of informing Your Sacred Majesty of all. In this dispatch I also again very humbly supplicate the same, for I shall consider it a very particular favour, as giving entire credit to what I write. Very High and Most Excellent Prince, may God, Our Lord, preserve the life and the very royal person and the very powerful state of Your Sacred Majesty, and augment it for long time with increase of many greater kingdoms and dominions, according as your royal heart may desire. From the town of Segura de la Frontera, of this New Spain, on the 30th October, 1520. Your Sacred Majesty's very humble servant and vassal, who kisses the very royal feet and hands of Your Highness. Fernan Cortes.

LETTER OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS ON HIS FIRST VOYAGE TO AMERICA February 15, 1493 Letter of Christopher Columbus on his First Voyage AS I know that it will afford you pleasure that I have brought my undertaking to a successful result, I have determined to write you this letter to inform you of everything that has been done and discovered in this voyage of mine. On the thirty-third day after leaving Cadiz I came into the Indian Sea, where I discovered many islands inhabited by numerous people. I took possession of all of them for our most fortunate King by making public proclamation and unfurling his standard, no one making any resistance. To the first of them I have given the name of our blessed Saviour, whose aid I have reached this and all the rest; but the Indians call it Guanahani. To each of the others also I gave a new name, ordering one to be called Sancta Maria de Concepcion, another Fernandina, another Isabella, another Juana; and so with all the rest. As soon as we reached the island which I have just said was called Juana, I sailed along its coast some considerable distance towards the West, and found it to be so large, without any apparent end, that I believed it was not an island, but a continent, a province of Cathay. But I saw neither towns nor cities lying on the seaboard, only some villages and country farms, with whose inhabitants I could not get speech, because they fled as soon as they beheld us. I continued on, supposing I should come upon some city, or country-houses. At last, finding that no discoveries rewarded our further progress, and that this course was leading us towards the North, which I was desirous of avoiding, as it was now winter in these regions, and it had always been my intention to proceed Southwards, and the winds also were favorable to such desires, I concluded not to attempt any other adventures; so, turning back, I came again to a certain harbor, which I had remarked. From there I sent two of our men into the country to learn whether there was any king or cities in that land. They journeyed for three days, and found innumerable people and habitations, but small and having no fixed government; on which account they returned. Meanwhile I had learned from some Indians, whom I had seized at this place, that this country was really an island. Consequently I continued along towards the East, as much as 322 miles, always hugging the shore. Where was the very extremity of the island, from there I saw another island to the Eastwards, distant 54 miles from this Juana, which I named Hispana; and proceeded to it, and directed my course for 564 miles East by North as it were, just as I had done at Juana. The island called Juana, as well as the others in its neighborhood, is exceedingly fertile. It has numerous harbors on all sides, very safe and wide, above comparison with any I have ever seen. Through it flow many very broad and health-giving rivers; and there are in it numerous very lofty mountains. All these island are very beautiful, and of quite different shapes; easy to be traversed, and full of the greatest variety of trees reaching to the stars. I think these never lose their leaves, and I saw them looking as green and lovely as they are wont to be in the month of May in Spain. Some of them were in leaf, and some in fruit; each flourishing in the condition its nature required. The nightingale was singing and various other little birds, when I was rambling among them in the month of November. There are also in the island called Juana seven or eight kinds of palms, which as readily surpass ours in height and beauty as do all the other trees, herbs, and fruits. There are also wonderful pinewoods, fields, and extensive meadows; birds of various kinds, and honey; and all the different metals, except iron. In the island, which I have said before was called Hispana, there are very lofty and beautiful mountains, great farms, groves and fields, most fertile This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter I Christopher Columbus' letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, 1493 Annotation: Columbus’s letter announcing the results of his first voyage was published across Europe, describing the islands he encountered, their peoples, and the vast potential for wealth and Christian expansion. Framing the discovery as a triumph for Spain, the letter promised new lands rich in resources and ripe for conversion, bolstering Spanish prestige and competition with rival European powers. Author Christopher Columbus — Sebastiano del Piombo 1519 Recipients Ferdinand II of Aragon — José de Madrazo ca. 1848 Isabella of Castile — José de Madrazo ca. 1848 Transcript Source: https://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/amerbegin/contact/text1/columbusletter.pdf both for cultivation and for pasturage, and well adapted for constructing buildings. The convenience of the harbors in this island, and the excellence of the rivers, in volume and salubrity, surpass human belief, unless one should see them. In it the trees, pasture-lands and fruits different much from those of Juana. Besides, this Hispana abounds in various kinds of species, gold and metals. The inhabitants of both sexes of this and of all the other island I have seen, or of which I have any knowledge, always go as naked as they came into the world, except that some of the women cover their private parts with leaves or branches, or a veil of cotton, which they prepare themselves for this purpose. They are all, as I said before, unprovided with any sort of iron, and they are destitute of arms, which are entirely unknown to them, and for which they are not adapted; not on account of any bodily deformity, for they are well made, but because they are timid and full of terror. They carry, however, canes dried in the sun in place of weapons, upon whose roots they fix a wooded shaft, dried and sharpened to a point. But they never dare to make use of these; for it has often happened, when I have sent two or three of my men to some of their villages to speak with the inhabitants, that a crowd of Indians has sallied forth; but when they saw our men approaching, they speedily took to flight, parents abandoning children, and children their parents. This happened not because any loss or injury had been inflicted upon any of them. On the contrary I gave whatever I had, cloth and many other things, to whomsoever I approached, or with whom I could get speech, without any return being made to me; but they are by nature fearful and timid. But when they see that they are safe, and all fear is banished, they are very guileless and honest, and very liberal of all they have. No one refuses the asker anything that he possesses; on the contrary they themselves invite us to ask for it. They manifest the greatest affection towards all of us, exchanging valuable things for trifles, content with the very least thing or nothing at all. But I forbade giving them a very trifling thing and of no value, such as bits of plates, dishes, or glass; also nails and straps; although it seemed to them, if they could get such, that they had acquired the most beautiful jewels in the world. For it chanced that a sailor received for a single strap as much weight of gold as three sold solidi; and so others for other things of less price, especially for new blancas, and for some gold coins, for which they gave whatever they seller asked; for instance, an ounce and a half or two ounces of gold, or thirty or forty pounds of cotton, with which they were already familiar. So too for pieces of hoops, jugs, jars, and pots they bartered cotton and gold like beasts. This I forbade, because it was plainly unjust; and I gave them many beautiful and pleasing things, which I had brought with me, for no return whatever, in order to win their affection, and that they might become Christians and inclined to love our King and Queen and Princes and all the people of Spain; and that they might be eager to search for and gather and give to us what they abound in and we greatly need. They do not practice idolatry; on the contrary, they believe that all strength, all power, in short all blessings, are from Heaven, and I have come down from there with these ships and sailors; and in this spirit was I received everywhere, after they had got over their fear. They are neither lazy nor awkward; but, on the contrary, are of an excellent and acute understanding. Those who have sailed these seas give excellent accounts of everything; but they have never seen men wearing clothes, or ships like ours. As soon as I had some into this sea, I took by force some Indians from the first island, in order that they might learn from us, and at the same time tell us what they knew about affairs in these regions. This succeeded admirably; for in a short time we understood them and they us both by gesture and signs and words; and they were of great service to us. They are coming now with me, and have always believed that I have come from Heaven, notwithstanding the long time they have been, and still remain, with us. They were the first who told this wherever we went, one calling to another, with a loud voice, Come, Come, you will see Men from Heaven. Whereupon both women and men, children and adults, young and old, laying aside the fear they had felt a little before, flocked eagerly to see us, a great crowd thronging about our steps, some bringing food, and others drink, with greatest love and incredible good will. In each island are many boats made of solid wood; though narrow, yet in length and shape similar to our two-bankers, but swifter in motion, and managed by oars only. Some of them are large, some small, and some of medium size; but most are larger than a two-banker rowed by 18 oars. With these they sail to all the islands, which are innumerable; engaging in traffic and commerce with each other. I saw some of these biremes, or boats, which carried 70 or 80 rowers. In all these islands there is no difference in the appearance of the inhabitants, and none in their customs and language, so that all understand one another. This is a circumstance most favorable for what I believe our most serene King especially desires, that is, their conversion to the holy faith of Christ; for which, indeed, so far as I could understand, they are very ready and prone. I have told already how I sailed in a straight course along the island of Juana from West to East 322 miles. From this voyage and the extent of my journeyings I can say that this Juana is larger than England and Scotland together. For beyond the aforesaid 322 miles, in that portion which looks towards the West, there are two more provinces, which I did not visit. One of them the Indians Calls Anan, and its inhabitants are born with tails. These provinces extend 180 miles, as I learned from the Indians, whom I am bringing with me, and who are well acquainted with all these islands. The distance around Hispana is greater than all Spain from Colonia to Fontarabia; as is readily proved, because its fourth side, which I myself traversed in a straight course from West to East, stretches 540 miles. This island is to be coveted, and not to be despised when acquired. As I have already taken possession of all the others, as I have said, for our most invincible King, and the role over them is entirely committed to the said King, so in this one I have taken special possession of a certain large town, in a most convenient spot, well suited for all profit and commerce, to which I have given the name of the Nativity of our Lord; and there I ordered a fort of be built forthwith, which ought to be finished now. In it I left as many men as seemed necessary, with all kinds of arms, and provisions sufficient for more than a year; also a caravel and men to build others, skilled not only in trade but in others. I secured for them the good will and remarkable friendship of the King of the island; for these people are very affectionate and kind; so much so that the aforesaid King took a pride in my being called his brother. Although they should change their minds, and wish to harm those who have remained in the fort, they cannot; because they are without arms, go naked and are too timid; so that, in truth, those who hold the aforesaid fort can lay waste the whole of that island, without any danger to themselves, provided they do not violate the rules and instructions I have given them. In all these islands, as I understand, every man is satisfied with only one wife, except the princes or kings, who are permitted to have 20. The women appear to work more than the men; but I could not well understand whether they have private property, or not; for I saw that what every one had was shared with the others, especially meals, provisions and such things. I found among them no monsters, as very many expected; but men of great deference and kind; not are they black like Ethiopians; but they have long, straight hair. They do not dwell where the rays of Sun have most power, although the Sun’s heat is very great there, as this region is twenty-six degrees distant from the equinoctial line. From the summits of the mountains there comes great cold, but the Indians mitigate it by being inured to the weather, and by the help of very hot food, which they consume frequently and in immoderate quantities. I saw no monsters, neither did I hear accounts of any such except in an island called Charis, the second as one crosses over from Spain to India, which is inhabited by a certain race regarded by their neighbors as very ferocious. They eat human flesh, and make use of several kinds of boats by which they cross over to all the Indian islands, and plunder and carry off whatever they can. But they differ in no respect from the others except in wearing their hair long after the fashion of women. They make use of bows and arrows made of reeds, having pointed shafts fastened to the thicker portion, as we have before described. For this reason they are considered to be ferocious, and the other Indians consequently are terribly afraid of them; but I consider them of no more account than the others. They have intercourse with certain women who dwell alone upon the island of Mateurin, the first as one crosses from Spain to India. These women follow none of the usual occupations of their sex; but they use bows and arrows like those of their husbands, which I have described, and protect themselves with plates of copper, which is found in the greatest abundance among them. I was informed that there is another island larger than the aforesaid Hispana, whose inhabitants have no hair; and that there is a greater abundance of gold in it than in any of the others. Some of the inhabitants of these islands and of the others I have seen I am bringing over with me to bear testimony to what I have reported. Finally, to sum up in a few words the chief results and advantages of our departure and speedy return, I make this promise to our most invincible Sovereigns, that, if I am supported by some little assistance from them, I will give them as much gold as they have need of, and in addition spices, cotton and mastic, which is found only in Chios, and as much aloes-wood, and as many heathen slaves as their majesties may choose to demand; besides these, rhubarb and other kinds of drugs, which I think the men I left in the fort before alluded to, have already discovered, or will do so; as I have delayed nowhere longer than the winds compelled me, except while I was providing for the construction of a fort in the city of Nativity, and for making all things safe. Although these matters are very wonderful and unheard of, they would have been much more so, if ships to a reasonable amount had been furnished me. But what has been accomplished is great and wonderful, and not at all proportionate to my deserts, but to the sacred Christian faith, and to the piety and religion of our Sovereigns. For what is the mind of man could not compass the spirit of God has granted to mortals. For God is wont and listen to his servants who love his precepts, even in impossibilities, as has happened to me in the present instance, who have accomplished what human strength has hitherto never attained. For if any one has written or told anything about these islands, all have done so either obscurely or by guesswork, so that if has almost seemed to be fabulous. Therefore let King and Queen and Princes, and their most fortunate realms, and all other Christian provinces, let us all return thanks to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who has bestowed so great a victory and reward upon us; let there be processions and solemn sacrifices prepared; let the churches be decked with festal boughs; let Christ rejoice upon Earth as he rejoices in Heaven, as he foresees that so many souls of so many people heretofore lost are to be saved; and let us be glad not only for the exaltation of our faith, but also for the increase of temporal prosperity, in which not only Spain but all Christendom is about to share. As these things have been accomplished so have they been briefly narrated. Thus I record what has happened in a brief note written on board the Caravel, off the Canary Isles, on the 15th of February, 1493. Yours to command, THE ADMIRAL.

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me. I accept it with a resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world. In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. The tasks we face are difficult, we can accomplish them only if we work together. Each period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world. It may be our lot to experience, and in a large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony. The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership. It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples. The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God. From this faith we will not be moved. The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals. In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like- minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life. That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by that philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward. That false philosophy is communism. Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters. Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice. Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think. Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities. Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence. Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change. Communism holds that the world is so widely divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable. Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain a lasting peace. The differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God. I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace. Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world. We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others. We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations. We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations. We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments. We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis. Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world. Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten back despair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace. The initiative is ours. We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice. We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world. In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action. First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles. Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery. This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program. We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again. In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade. Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression. We are working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter. We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro. The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter. Every country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense. We make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur. I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan. In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security. Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas. More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas. For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people. The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible. I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development. Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens. We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom. With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrial activity in other nations and can raise substantially their standards of living. Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled to the benefit of the peoples of the areas in which they are established. Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in the interest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into these developments. The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair-dealing. All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world's human and natural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially and economically. Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge. Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselves can the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is the right of all people. Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery, and despair. On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to help create the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom and happiness for all mankind. If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it is clear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and we must keep ourselves strong. Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity. We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments. We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity. We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs. We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy. We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends. Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness. In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate in growing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose us will abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of the world in a just settlement of international differences. Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty. But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty. Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure. To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace. Source: https://youtu.be/fWwcZLNrtAY?si=PQStYg8CaWuYfzuM

Dr. Bestor, ladies and gentlemen, I am always appreciative of that well remembered and splendid salute. As many of you who are here tonight know, I formed the excellent habit of coming to Chautauqua more than twenty years ago. And it was after my Inauguration in 1933, I that promised Dr. Bestor that during the next four years I would come to Chautauqua again, and here I am. A few days ago some of my friends of the press asked me the subject of this talk tonight; and I replied that for two good reasons I wanted to discuss the subject of peace: First, because it is eminently appropriate in Chautauqua and, second, because in the hurly-burly of domestic politics it is important that our people should not overlook problems and issues which, though they lie beyond our borders, may, and probably will, have a vital influence on the United States of the future. Many who have visited me in Washington in the past few months may have been surprised when I have told them that personally and because of my own daily contacts with all manner of difficult situations I am more concerned and less cheerful about international world conditions than about our immediate domestic prospects. And I say this to you not as a confirmed pessimist but as one who still hopes that envy, hatred and malice among Nations have reached their peak and will be succeeded by a new tide of peace and good-will. I say this as one who has participated in many of the decisions of peace and war, during and after the World War; one who has traveled much; and one who has spent a goodly portion of every twenty-four hours in the study of foreign relations. Long before I returned to Washington as President of the United States, I had made up my mind that pending what might be called a more opportune moment on other continents, the United States could best serve the cause of a peaceful humanity by setting an example. And that was why on the 4th of March, 1933, I made the following declaration: "In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor- the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of agreement in and with a world of neighbors." That declaration represented my purpose then, it represents my purpose now; but it represents more than a purpose now, for it stands for a practice. To a measurable degree the practice has succeeded; and the whole world now knows that the United States cherishes no predatory ambitions. We are strong; but less powerful Nations know that they need not fear our strength. We seek no conquest; we stand for peace. In the whole of the Western Hemisphere our good-neighbor policy has produced results that are especially heartening. The noblest monument to peace the noblest monument to economic and social friendship in all the world is not a monument in bronze or stone, it is the boundary which unites the United States and Canada—3,000 miles of friendship with no barbed wire, no gun or soldier, and no passport on the whole frontier. What made it? Mutual trust, and to extend the same sort of mutual trust throughout the Americas was our aim. The American Republics to the south of us have been ready always to cooperate with the United States on a basis of equality and mutual respect, but before we inaugurated the good-neighbor policy there were among them resentment and fear, because certain Administrations in Washington had slighted their national pride and their sovereign rights. In pursuance of the good-neighbor policy, and because in my younger days I had learned many lessons in the hard school of experience, I stated that the United States was opposed definitely to armed intervention. We have negotiated a Pan-American convention embodying the principle of non-intervention. We have abandoned the Platt Amendment which gave us the right to intervene in the internal affairs of the Republic of Cuba. We have withdrawn American marines from Haiti. We have signed a new treaty which places our relations with Panama on a mutually satisfactory basis. We have undertaken a series of trade agreements with other American countries to our mutual commercial profit. At the request of two neighboring Republics, I hope to give assistance in the final settlement of the last serious boundary dispute between any of the American Nations. Throughout the Americas the spirit of the good neighbor is a practical and living fact. The twenty-one American Republics are not only living together in friendship and in peace; they are united in the determination so to remain. To give substance to this determination a conference will meet on December 1, 1936, at the capital of our great Southern neighbor, Argentina, and it is, I know, the hope of all Chiefs of State of the Americas that this will result in measures which will banish wars forever from this vast portion of the earth. Peace, like charity, begins at home; that is why we have begun at home. But peace in the Western world is not all that we seek. It is our hope that knowledge of the practical application of the good-neighbor policy in this hemisphere will be borne home to our neighbors across the seas. For ourselves we are on good terms with them—terms in most cases of straightforward friendship, of peaceful understanding. But, of necessity, we are deeply concerned about tendencies of recent years among many of the Nations of other continents. It is a bitter experience to us when the spirit of agreements to which we are a party is not lived up to. It is an even more bitter experience for the whole company of Nations to witness not only the spirit but the letter of international agreements violated with impunity and without regard to the simple principles of honor. Permanent friendships between Nations as between men can be sustained only by scrupulous respect for the pledged word. In spite of all this we have sought steadfastly to assist international movements to prevent war. We cooperated to the bitter end—and it was a bitter end—in the work of the General Disarmament Conference. When it failed we sought a separate treaty to deal with the manufacture of arms and the international traffic in arms. That proposal also came to nothing. We participated—again to the bitter end—in a conference to continue naval limitations, and when it became evident that no general treaty could be signed because of the objections of other Nations, we concluded with Great Britain and France a conditional treaty of qualitative limitation which, much to my regret, already shows signs of ineffectiveness. We shun political commitments which might entangle us in foreign wars; we avoid connection with the political activities of the League of Nations; but I am glad to say that we have cooperated whole-heartedly in the social and humanitarian work at Geneva. Thus we are a part of the world effort to control traffic in narcotics, to improve international health, to help child welfare, to eliminate double taxation and to better working conditions and laboring hours throughout the world. We are not isolationists except in so far as we seek to isolate ourselves completely from war. Yet we must remember that so long as war exists on earth there will be some danger that even the Nation which most ardently desires peace may be drawn into war. I have seen war. I have seen war on land and sea. I have seen blood running from the wounded. I have seen men coughing out their gassed lungs. I have seen the dead in the mud. I have seen cities destroyed. I have seen two hundred limping, exhausted men come out of line—the survivors of a regiment of one thousand that went forward forty-eight hours before. I have seen children starving. I have seen the agony of mothers and wives. I hate war. I have passed unnumbered hours, I shall pass unnumbered hours, thinking and planning how war may be kept from this Nation. I wish I could keep war from all Nations; but that is beyond my power. I can at least make certain that no act of the United States helps to produce or to promote war. I can at least make clear that the conscience of America revolts against war and that any Nation which provokes war forfeits the sympathy of the people of the United States. Many causes produce war. There are ancient hatreds, turbulent frontiers, the "legacy of old forgotten, far-off things, and battles long ago." There are new-born fanaticisms, convictions on the part of certain peoples that they have become the unique depositories of ultimate truth and right. A dark old world was devastated by wars between conflicting religions. A dark modern world faces wars between conflicting economic and political fanaticisms in which are intertwined race hatreds. To bring it home, it is as if within the territorial limits of the United States, forty-eight Nations with forty-eight forms of government, forty-eight customs barriers, forty-eight languages, and forty-eight eternal and different verities, were spending their time and their substance in a frenzy of effort to make themselves strong enough to conquer their neighbors or strong enough to defend themselves against their neighbors. In one field, that of economic barriers, the American policy may be, I hope, of some assistance in discouraging the economic source of war and therefore a contribution toward the peace of the world. The trade agreements which we are making are not only finding outlets for the products of American fields and American factories but are also pointing the way to the elimination of embargoes, quotas and other devices which place such pressure on Nations not possessing great natural resources that to them the price of peace seems less terrible than the price of war. We do not maintain that a more liberal international trade will stop war; but we fear that without a more liberal international trade, war is a natural sequence. The Congress of the United States has given me certain authority to provide safeguards of American neutrality in case of war. The President of the United States, who, under our Constitution, is vested with primary authority to conduct our international relations, thus has been given new weapons with which to maintain our neutrality. Nevertheless and I speak from a long experience the effective maintenance of American neutrality depends today, as in the past, on the wisdom and determination of whoever at the moment occupy the offices of President and Secretary of State. It is clear that our present policy and the measures passed by the Congress would, in the event of a war on some other continent, reduce war profits which would otherwise accrue to American citizens. Industrial and agricultural production for a war market may give immense fortunes to a few men; for the Nation as a whole it produces disaster. It was the prospect of war profits that made our farmers in the West plow up prairie land that should never have been plowed, but should have been left for grazing cattle. Today we are reaping the harvest of those war profits in the dust storms which have devastated those war-plowed areas. It was the prospect of war profits that caused the extension of monopoly and unjustified expansion of industry and a price level so high that the normal relationship between debtor and creditor was destroyed. Nevertheless, if war should break out again in another continent, let us not blink the fact that we would find in this country thousands of Americans who, seeking immediate riches—fools' gold- would attempt to break down or evade our neutrality. They would tell you—and, unfortunately, their views would get wide publicity— that if they could produce and ship this and that and the other article to belligerent Nations, the unemployed of America would all find work. They would tell you that if they could extend credit to warring Nations that credit would be used in the United States to build homes and factories and pay our debts. They would tell you that America once more would capture the trade of the world. It would be hard to resist that clamor; it would be hard for many Americans, I fear, to look beyond—to realize the inevitable penalties, the inevitable day of reckoning, that come from a false prosperity. To resist the clamor of that greed, if war should come, would require the unswerving support of all Americans who love peace. If we face the choice of profits or peace, the Nation will answer—must answer—"We choose peace." It is the duty of all of us to encourage such a body of public opinion in this country that the answer will be clear and for all practical purposes unanimous. With that wise and experienced man who is our Secretary of State, whose statesmanship has met with such wide approval, I have thought and worked long and hard on the problem of keeping the United States at peace. But all the wisdom of America is not to be found in the White House or in the Department of State; we need the meditation, the prayer, and the positive support of the people of America who go along with us in seeking peace. No matter how well we are supported by neutrality legislation, we must remember that no laws can be provided to cover every contingency, for it is impossible to imagine how every future event may shape itself. In spite of every possible forethought, international relations involve of necessity a vast uncharted area. In that area safe sailing will depend on the knowledge and the experience and the wisdom of those who direct our foreign policy. Peace will depend on their day-to-day decisions. At this late date, with the wisdom which is so easy after the event and so difficult before the event, we find it possible to trace the tragic series of small decisions which led Europe into the Great War in 1914 and eventually engulfed us and many other Nations. We can keep out of war if those who watch and decide have a sufficiently detailed understanding of international affairs to make certain that the small decisions of each day do not lead toward war and if, at the same time, they possess the courage to say "no" to those who selfishly or unwisely would let us go into war. Of all the Nations of the world today we are in many ways most singularly blessed. Our closest neighbors are good neighbors. If there are remoter Nations that wish us not good but ill, they know that we are strong; they know that we can and will defend ourselves and defend our neighborhood. We seek to dominate no other Nation. We ask no territorial expansion. We oppose imperialism. We desire reduction in world armaments. We believe in democracy; we believe in freedom; we believe in peace. We offer to every Nation of the world the handclasp of the good neighbor. Let those who wish our friendship look us in the eye and take our hand. Source: https://www.fdrlibrary.org/utterancesfdr