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The New England Restraining Act Royal Assent - March 30 1775 An Act to Restrain the Trade and Commerce of the Provinces of MASSACHUSETTS BAY and NEW-HAMPSHIRE, and Colonies of CONNECTICUT and RHODE-ISLAND, and PROVIDENCE PLANTATION, in NORTH AMERICA, to GREAT BRITAIN, IRELAND, and the BRITISH Islands in the WEST INDIES; and to prohibit such Provinces and Colonies from carrying on any Fishery on the banks of NEWFOUNDLAND, or other places therein mentioned, under certain conditions and limitations. Whereas, by an Act, made in the twelfth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, entituled “An Act for the Encouraging and Increasing of Shipping and Navigation;” and by several subsequent Acts of Parliament which are now in force, it is, amongst other things, enacted, that for every Ship or Vessel that shall load any commodities in those Acts particularly enumerated, at any British Plantation, being the Growth, Product, or Manufacture thereof, Bonds shall be given, with one surety, to the value of one thousand Pounds, if the Ship be of less burthen than one hundred tons, and of the sum of two thousand Pounds, if the Ship be of greater burthen, that the same commodities shall be brought by such Ship or Vessel to some other British Plantation, or to some Port in Great Britain: And whereas, by several other Acts of Parliament which are now in force, no commodities of the Growth, Product, or Manufacture of Europe, (except Salt for the Fisheries, Wines of the Madeiras and Azores, and Western Islands, and Victual and Linen Cloth from Ireland, under the restrictions in such Acts particularly mentioned) can be imported into any Plantation, Colony, Territory, or place belonging to his Majesty in Asia, Africa, or America, but what shall be bona fide, and without fraud, laden and shipped in Great Britain, and carried directly from thence: And whereas, during the continuance of the Combinations and Disorders which at this time prevail within the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New-Hampshire, and the Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, to the obstruction of the Commerce of these Kingdoms and other his Majesty’ s Dominions, and in breach and violation of the laws of this Realm, it is highly unfit that the inhabitants of the said Provinces and Colonies should enjoy the same privileges of Trade, and the same benefits and advantages to which his Majesty’ s faithful and obedient subjects are entitled; Be it therefore enacted by the King’ s most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and during the continuance of this Act, no Goods, Wares, or Merchandises, which are particularly enumerated in, and by the said Act made in the twelfth year of King Charles the Second, or any other Act, being the Growth, Product or Manufacture of the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay, or New-Hampshire, or Colonies of Connecticut, Rhode-Island, or Providence Plantation, in North America, or any or either of them, are to be brought to some other British Colony, or to Great Britain; or any such enumerated Goods, Wares, or Merchandise, which shall at any time or times have been imported or brought into the said Provinces or Colonies, or any or either of them, shall be shipped, carried, conveyed, or transported from any of the said Provinces or Colonies, respectively, to any Land, Island, Territory, Dominion, Port, or Place whatsoever, other than to Great Britain, or some of the British Islands in the West Indies, to be laid on shore there; and that no other Goods, Wares, or Merchandise, whatsoever, of the Growth, Product, or Manufacture of the Provinces or Colonies hereinbefore mentioned, or which shall at any time or times have been imported or brought into the same, shall, from and after the said first day of July, and during the continuance of this Act, be shipped, carried, conveyed, or transported from any of the said Provinces or Colonies, respectively, to any other Land, Island, Territory, Dominion, Port, or place whatsoever, except to the Kingdoms of Great Britain, or Ireland, or to some of the British Islands in the West Indies, to be laid on shore there; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding. II. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the said first day of July, before any Ship or Vessel shall lade, or take on board any Goods as aforesaid, in any or either of the Provinces or Colonies before mentioned, sufficient Bond, with one surety, besides the Master of such Ship or Vessel, shall be given to the Collector, or other principal Officer of the Customs at the Port or place where such Goods are intended to be laden, or taken on board, in the penalty of one thousand Pounds, if the Ship be of less burthen than one hundred tons; and of the sum of two thousand Pounds if the Ship shall be of that or any greater burthen, with condition that such enumerated Goods shall not be landed, or put on shore, at or upon any other Land, Island, Territory, Dominion, Port, or place whatsoever, except some Port or place within the Kingdom of Great Britain, or some of the British Islands in the West Indies; and that all other Goods, Wares, or Merchandise, so intended to be laden as aforesaid, shall not be landed or put on shore at or upon any Land, Island, Territory, Dominion, Port, or place whatsoever, other than, and except, some Port or place within the Kingdoms of Great Britain, or Ireland, or some of the British Islands in the West Indies; and with further condition to bring a Certificate in discharge thereof, within eighteen months from the date of such Bond, for such of the said Goods as shall be entered for, or landed in, Great Britain or Ireland, respectively, and within six months for such of the said Goods as shall be entered for, or landed in, any of the British Islands in the West Indies; which respective Certificates shall be under the hands and seals of office of the Collector and Comptroller, or other principal Officer of the Customs, resident at the Port or place where such Goods shall be landed, testifying the landing thereof; or such Bond or Bonds shall and maybe discharged by proof, upon oath made by credible persons, that the said Goods were taken by enemies, or perished in the Seas. III. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That where any such Bond or Bonds shall be given as aforesaid, in pursuance of this Act, the Collector, or other principal Officer of the Customs, to whom such Bond or Bonds shall have been given, shall deliver, under his hand and seal of office, without fee or reward, to the Master of the Ship or Vessel taking in such Goods, for the security of her Navigation, a Certificate that such Bond or Bonds hath or have been given, expressing therein the quantity and species of the Goods, with the marks and numbers of the Packages, and the Port or place for which they were entered; and if any such Goods shall be laden on board any such Ship or Vessel in any of the Provinces or Colonies in this Act before mentioned, before such Bond or Bonds shall be given, or shall be found on board any Ship or Vessel, without the Certificate hereinbefore directed, that such Bond or Bonds hath or have been given, the Goods so laden, together with the Ship or Vessel, with her Guns, Ammunition, Tackle, Apparel, and Furniture, shall be forfeited: and if any Goods, so laden as aforesaid, shall be landed or discharged at any Port or place, contrary to the intent and meaning of this Act, over and above the penalty of the Bond or Bonds, the Shipper and Owner of such Goods, and the Master or person taking charge of the Vessel on board which they were laden, shall respectively forfeit the full value of the Goods so landed or discharged, to be estimated according to the highest price or value which such sort of Goods bear in the Province or Colony where and at the time when they were shipped and laden; which Ship and Goods may be seized and prosecuted, or the value of such Goods prosecuted for by any Admiral, Chief Commander, or Commissioned Officer of his Majesty’ s Fleet or Ships-of-War, or by any Officer of his Majesty’ s Customs, in the manner hereinafter directed. IV. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the first day of September, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and during the continuance of this Act, no sort of Wines, Salt, or any Goods or commodities whatsoever, (except Horses, Victual, and Linen Cloth, the Produce and Manufacture of Ireland, imported directly from thence) shall be imported into any of the said Colonies or Provinces hereinbefore respectively mentioned, upon any pretence whatsoever, unless such Goods shall be bona fide, and without fraud, laden and shipped in Great Britain, and carried directly from thence, upon forfeiture thereof, and of the Ship or Vessel on board which such Goods shall be laden; and it shall be lawful for any Admiral, Chief Commander, or Commissioned Officer of his Majesty’ s Fleet or Ships-of-War, or any Officer of his Majesty’ s Customs, to seize any Ship or Vessel arriving at any of the said Provinces or Colonies before mentioned, or which shall be discovered within two leagues of any shore thereof, having such Goods on board, and the Goods laden thereon, (except as before excepted) for which the Master, or other person taking charge of such Ship or Vessel, shall not produce a Cocket or Clearance from the Collector, or proper Officer of his Majesty’ s Customs, certifying that the said Goods were laden on board the said Ship or Vessel in some Port of Great Britain; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding. V. Provided always, and it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That this Act, or any thing herein contained, shall not extend, or be construed to extend, to prohibit the exportation or carrying out from any of the Provinces or Colonies before mentioned, or the importation into the same, of any Goods or Commodities whatsoever, for the victualling or providing any of his Majesty’ s Ships-of-War, or other Ships or Vessels in his Majesty’ s service, or for his Majesty’ s Forces, Forts, or Garrisons; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. VI. And provided, also, That nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to hinder or restrain the lawful importation into any or either of the said Provinces or Colonies hereinbefore mentioned, from any of the British Islands in the West Indies, of any such Goods or Commodities, being the Growth or Produce thereof, as may now by law be imported from thence into the said Provinces or Colonies, or any or either of them. VII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any Ship or Vessel, being the property of the subjects of Great Britain, not belonging to, and fitted out from Great Britain or Ireland, or the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Sark, Alderney, or Man, shall be found, after the twentieth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, carrying on any Fishery, of what nature or kind soever, upon the banks of Newfoundland, the Coast of Labrador, or within the River or Gulf of St. Lawrence, or upon the Coast of Cape Breton, or Nova Scotia, or any other part of the Coast of North America, or having on board materials for carrying on any such Fishery, every such Ship or Vessel, with her Guns, Ammunition, Tackle, Apparel, and Furniture, together with the Fish, if any shall be found on board, shall be forfeited, unless the Master, or other person having the charge of such Ship or Vessel, do produce to the Commander of any of his Majesty’ s Ships-of-War, stationed for the protection and superintendence of the British Fisheries in America, a Certificate, under the hand and seal of the Governour or Commander-in-Chief, of any of the Colonies or Plantations of Quebec, Newfoundland, St. John, Nova Scotia, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, East Florida, West Florida, Bahamas, and Bermudas, setting forth that such Ship or Vessel, expressing her name, and the name of her Master, and describing her build and burthen, hath fitted and cleared out from some one of the said Colonies or Plantations, in order to proceed upon the said Fishery, and that she actually and bona fide belongs to, and is the whole and entire property of his Majesty’ s subjects, inhabitants of the said Colony or Plantation; which Certificates such Governours or Commanders-in-Chief, respectively, are hereby authorized and required to grant. VIII. And to the end that the foregoing Prohibitions, Restrictions, and Regulations may be more effectually carried into execution, it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for all or any of the Commanders of his Majesty’ s Ships or Vessels of War, stationed and appointed for the regulation and protection of the British Fishery upon the Coasts of North America, or to and for the Commanders of any other of his Majesty’ s Ships or Vessels employed at Sea, and they, and every of them, are hereby required and enjoined to examine, search, and visit all Ships and Vessels suspected to be carrying on the said Fisheries, and to seize, arrest, and prosecute, in manner hereinafter directed, all and every such Ships and Vessels as shall be found to be carrying on the said Fisheries, not belonging to and fitted out from Great Britain or Ireland, or the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, Sark, or Man, which shall not have on board the Certificate hereinbefore required. IX. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to empower any Officer of his Majesty’ s Ships-of-War, or of his Majesty’ s Customs, to seize any Ship or Vessel which shall be fitted and cleared out from any of the said Colonies and Provinces before the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, for the Whale Fishery only, and which shall be found carrying on such Fishery within the limits aforesaid, between the said first day of June and the first day of November, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and not carrying on, nor having on board any materials for carrying on any other Fishery. X. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That nothing in this Act contained, respecting the Fisheries carried on by his Majesty’ s subjects in North America, shall affect, or be construed to affect, any Ship or Vessel, her Guns, Ammunition, Tackle, Apparel, Furniture or Fish, on board, being the property of any of the inhabitants of the Island of Nantucket, employed in the Whale Fishery only, if it shall appear, by the papers on board, that such Ship or Vessel was fitted and cleared out from thence before the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, or if the Master, or other person having the charge of any such Ship or Vessel as aforesaid, shall produce a Certificate, under the hand and seal of the Governour or Commander-in-Chief of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, setting forth that such Ship or Vessel, (expressing her name, and the name of her Master, and describing her built and burthen) is the whole and entire property of his Majesty’ s subjects of the said Island of Nantucket, and was the property of one or more of them on or before the twenty-fifth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and that she was cleared out with materials on board in order to proceed upon the Whale Fishery only; any thing in this Act to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding. XI. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That nothing in this Act contained respecting the Fisheries carried on by his Majesty’ s subjects in North America, shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any Ship or Vessel being the property of any of the inhabitants of the Townships of Marshfield and Scituate, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, employed in or carrying on the Mackerel, Shad, and Alewife Fisheries only, if the Master or other person having the charge of any such Ship or Vessel as aforesaid, shall produce a Certificate, under the hand and seal of the Governour or Commander-in-Chief of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, setting forth that such Ship or Vessel, (expressing her name and the name of her Master, and describing her built and burthen) is the whole and entire property of his Majesty’ s subjects of the said Townships of Marshfield and Scituate, and was the property of one or more of them, on or before the twenty-fifth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, which Certificate or Certificates such Governour or Commander-in-Chief is hereby authorized and required to grant. XII. Provided always, and be it enacted, That the River which emptieth itself into Passamacadie or Passamaquadi Bay, on the Western side, and is commonly called and known by the name of Saint Croix River, be held and deemed for all the purposes in this Act contained, to be the boundary between the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and Nova Scotia. XIII. And whereas, it is the intent and meaning of this Act, that the several prohibitions and restraints herein imposed upon the Trade and Commerce and Fisheries of the said Provinces and Colonies, should be discontinued and cease, so soon as the Trade and Commerce of his Majesty’ s subjects may be carried on without interruption, Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That whenever it shall be made appear to the satisfaction of his Majesty’ s Governour or Commander-in-Chief, and the majority of the Council, in the Provinces of New-Hampshire and Massachusetts Bay, respectively, that peace and obedience to the laws shall be so far restored within the said Provinces, or either of them, that the Trade and Commerce of his Majesty’ s subjects may be carried on without interruption within the same, and that Goods, Wares, and Merchandise have been freely imported into the said Provinces, or either of them, from Great Britain, and exposed to sale without any let, hindrance, or molestation, from or by reason of any unlawful combinations to prevent or obstruct the same; and that Goods, Wares, and Merchandise have in like manner been exported from the said Provinces, or either of them, respectively, to Great Britain, for and during the term of one calendar month preceding, that then, and in such case, it shall and may be lawful for the Governour or Commander-in-Chief, with the advice of the Council of such Provinces, respectively, by Proclamation, under the seal of such respective Province, to notify the same to the several Officers of the Customs, and all others; and after such Proclamation, this Act with respect to such Province, within which such Proclamation or Proclamations have been issued as aforesaid, shall be discontinued and cease (except as hereinafter provided;) and all Officers of his Majesty’ s Customs, and all other persons having charge of the execution of this Act, having received due notice of such Proclamation, are hereby directed and required to yield and pay obedience to such Proclamation, and to proceed in the discharge of their respective duties, in admitting to entry, clearing, and discharging all Ships and Vessels, and all Goods, Wares, and Merchandises, into and out of such respective Province; and to permit and suffer any Ships or Vessels to carry on the Fisheries within the limits hereinbefore mentioned, in like manner as if this Act had never been made; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. XIV. And be it further enacted, That the Governour or Commander-in-Chief, with the advice of the Council of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, shall and may, and he is hereby authorized and empowered, upon application for and on behalf of the Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantation, or either of them, by the Governour or Commander-in-Chief of the said Colonies, respectively, to issue the like publick notice or notices, by Proclamation within the said Colonies, or either of them, if it shall be proved to the said Governour or Commander-in-Chief, and Council of Massachusetts Bay, by the testimony of the Officers of his Majesty’ s Customs in each of the said Colonies respectively, and the said Governour or Commander-in-Chief, and Council, shall be satisfied of the truth thereof, that the lawful Trade between the said Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantation, and Great Britain, is and hath been carried on in manner hereinbefore mentioned within the said Colonies, or either of them, for the space of one calendar month preceding the date of such application; and from and after such Proclamation, this Act shall, with respect to such Colonies, or either of them, be discontinued and cease (except as hereinafter provided;) and all Officers of the Customs in the said Colonies, and all others, are hereby required to pay obedience to such publick notice of the said Governour or Commander-in-Chief as aforesaid, and to proceed in the discharge of their respective duties in admitting to entry, clearing, and discharging, all Ships and Vessels, and all Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, into and out of such Colony or Colonies, in like manner as if this Act had never been made; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. XV. Provided nevertheless, and it is hereby further enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid, That such Proclamation or Proclamations shall not extend, or be construed to extend, to discharge or suspend any proceedings upon any seizure which shall have been made, or any prosecution which shall have been commenced for any penalty or forfeiture inflicted by this Act before the issuing of such Proclamation or Proclamations. XVI. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall give or grant any false Certificates, Cocket, or Clearance, for any of the purposes required or directed by this Act, such person or persons shall forfeit the sum of five hundred Pounds, and be rendered incapable of serving his Majesty, his heirs and successors, in any office whatsoever; and if any person or persons shall counterfeit, erase, alter, or falsify, any Certificate, Cocket, or Clearance, required or directed by this Act, or shall knowingly or willingly make use of any false Certificate, Cocket, or Clearance, or of any Certificate, Cocket, or Clearance, so counterfeited, erased, altered, or falsified, such person or persons shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of five hundred Pounds, and such Certificate, Cocket, or Clearance, shall be invalid and of no effect. XVII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the several forfeitures and penalties inflicted by this Act, shall and may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered, and be divided, paid, and applied, in like manner as other penalties and forfeitures inflicted by any Act or Acts of Parliament relating to the Trade or Revenues of the British Colonies or Plantations in America, are directed to be prosecuted, sued for, or recovered, divided, paid, and applied, by two several Acts of Parliament, the one passed in the fourth year of his present Majesty, entituled “An Act for granting certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America; for continuing, amending, and making perpetual, an Act passed in the sixth year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Second, entituled ‘An Act for the better securing and encouraging the Trade of his Majesty’ s Sugar Colonies in America; for applying the produce of such Duties, and of the Duties to arise by virtue of the said Act, towards defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing, the said Colonies and Plantations; for explaining an Act made in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, entituled’ ‘An Act for the encouragement of the Greenland and Eastland Trades, and for the better securing the Plantation Trade; and for altering and disallowing several Drawbacks on Exports from this Kingdom, and more effectually preventing the clandestine conveyance of Goods to and from the said Colonies and Plantations, and improving and securing the Trade between the same and Great Britain;’” and the other passed in the eighth year of his present Majesty’ s reign, entituled “An Act for the more easy and effectual recovery of the penalties and forfeitures inflicted by the Acts of Parliament relating to the Trade or Revenues of the British Colonies and Plantations in America.” XVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any action or suit shall be commenced against any person or persons, for any thing done in pursuance of this Act of Parliament, the defendant or defendants in such action or suit may plead the general issue, and give the said Act and the special matter in evidence, at any trial to be had thereupon, and that the same was done in pursuance of and by the authority of this Act; and if it shall appear so to have been done, the Jury shall find for the defendant or defendants; and if the plaintiff shall be non-suited, or discontinue his action after the defendant or defendants shall have appeared, or if judgment shall be given upon any verdict or demurrer, against the plaintiff, the defendant or defendants shall recover treble costs, and have the like remedy for the same, as defendants have in other cases by law. Source: https://classroom.monticello.org/view/73322/

Aftermath of the Fire

December 23, 1783 Mr. President: The great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place; I have now the honor of offering my sincere Congratulations to Congress and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the Service of my Country.         Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty, and pleased with the oppertunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable Nation, I resign with satisfaction the Appointment I accepted with diffidence. A diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our Cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven.         The Successful termination of the War has verified the most sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my Countrymen, encreases with every review of the momentous Contest.         While I repeat my obligations to the Army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar Services and distinguished merits of the Gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the War. It was impossible the choice of confidential Officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me Sir, to recommend in particular those, who have continued in Service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress.         I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my Official life, by commending the Interests of our dearest Country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping.               Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of Action; and bidding an Affectionate farewell to this August body under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my Commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.                Source: https://www.loc.gov/resource/mgw3a.007/?sp=162&st=image

Whereas, by our Declarations of the 14th of July and 19th of September last, in pursuance of his Majesty's most gracious intentions towards his subjects in the Colonies or Provinces of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, all persons speedily returning to their just allegiance were promised a free and general pardon and were invited to accept not only the blessings of peace, but a secure enjoyment of their liberties and properties, upon the true principles of the Constitution : And, whereas, notwithstanding the said declaration, and the example of many who have availed themselves of the assurances therein made, several bodies of armed men, in open contempt of his Majesty's proffered clemency, do still continue their opposition to the establishment of legal government and peace: and divers other ill-disposed persons pursuing their own ambitious purposes in the exercise of a lawless influence and power, are using fresh endeavours, by various arts and misrepresentations, to- alienate the confidence and affection of his Majesty's subjects: to defeat every plan of reconciliation, and to prolong the unnatural war between Great Britain and her Colonies: Now, in order to the more effectual accomplishment of his Majesty's most gracious intentions, and the speedy restoration of the publick tranquillity : and duly considering the expediency of limiting the time within which such pardon as aforesaid shall be granted, and of specifying the terms upon which only the same shall and may be obtained : We do, in his Majesty's name, and by virtue of the powers committed to us, hereby charge and command all persons whatsoever, who are assembled together in arms against his Majesty's government, to disband themselves and return to their dwellings, there to remain in a peaceable and quiet manner : and we also charge and command all such other persons as are assembled together under the name of General or Provincial Congresses, Committees, Conventions, or other associations, by whatever name or names known and distinguished, or who, under the colour of any authority from any such Congress, Committee, Convention and other association, take upon themselves to issue or execute any orders for levying money, raising troops, fitting out armed ships and vessels, imprisoning, or otherwise molesting his Majesty's subjects, to desist and cease from all such treasonable actings and doings, and to relinquish all such usurped power and authority, so that peace may be restored, a speedy remission of past offences quiet the apprehensions of the guilty, and all the inhabitants of the said Colonies be enabled to reap the benefit of his Majesty's paternal goodness in the preservation of their property, the restoration of their commerce and the security of their most valuable rights, under the just and moderate authority of the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain: And, we do hereby declare, and make known to all men, that every person who within sixty days from the day of the date hereof, shall appear before the Governour, or Lieutenant Governour, or Commander-in-Chief, in any of his Majesty's Colonies or Provinces aforesaid, or before the General or Commanding Officer of his Majesty's forces in America or any other officer in his Majesty's service having the command of any detachment or parties of his Majesty's forces there, or before the Admiral , or Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's fleets, or any other officer commanding any of his Majesty's ships of war, or any armed vessel in his Majesty's service, within any of the ports, havens, creeks, or upon the coasts of America, and shall claim the benefit of this Proclamation, and at the same time testify his obedience to the laws, by subscribing a declaration in the words following: "I, A. B. do promise and declare, that I will remain in a peaceable obedience to his Majesty, and will not take up arms, nor encourage others to take up arms, in opposition to his authority" shall and may obtain a full and free pardon of all treasons and misprisions of treasons, by him heretofore committed or done, and of all forfeitures, attainders, and penalties for the same: and upon producing to us, or to either of us, a certificate of such his appearance and declaration, shall and may have and receive such pardon made and passed to him in due form. Given at New York, this thirtieth day of November, 1776.

20 October 1774 The Association entered into by the American Continental Congress in Behalf of all the Colonies We, his Majesty's most loyal subjects, the Delegates of the several Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania , the three Lower Counties of New-Castle, Kent , and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,  and South Carolina , deputed to represent them in a Continental Congress, held in the City of Philadelphia , on the fifth day of September , 1774, avowing our allegiance to his Majesty; our affection and regard for our fellow-subjects in Great Britain and elsewhere; affected with the deepest anxiety and most alarming apprehensions at those grievances and distresses with which his Majesty's American  subjects are oppressed; and having taken under our most serious deliberation the state of the whole Continent, find that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is occasioned by a ruinous system of Colony Administration, adopted by the British  Ministry about the year 1763, evidently calculated for enslaving these Colonies, and, with them, the British  Empire. In prosecution of which system, various Acts of Parliament have been passed for raising a Revenue in America , for depriving the American subjects, in many instances, of the constitutional Trial by Jury, exposing their lives to danger by directing a new and illegal trial beyond the seas for crimes alleged to have been committed in America ; and in prosecution of the same system, several late, cruel, and oppressive Acts have been passed respecting the Town of Boston  and the Massachusetts Bay , and also an Act for extending the Province of Quebec , so as to border on the Western Frontiers of these Colonies, establishing an arbitrary Government therein, and discouraging the settlement of British  subjects in that wide extended country; thus, by the influence of civil principles and ancient prejudices, to dispose the inhabitants to act with hostility against the free Protestant Colonies, whenever a wicked Ministry shall choose so to direct them. To obtain redress of these Grievances, which threaten destruction to the Lives, Liberty, and Property of his Majesty's subjects in North America , we are of opinion that a Non-Importation, Non-Consumption, and Non-Exportation Agreement, faithfully adhered to, will prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable measure; and, therefore, we do, for ourselves, and the inhabitants of the several Colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, under the sacred ties of Virtue, Honour, and Love of our Country, as follows: 1. That from and after the first day of December  next, we will not import into British America , from Great Britain  or Ireland , any Goods, Wares, or Merchandises whatsoever, or from any other place, any such Goods, Wares, or Merchandises as shall have been exported from Great Britain  or Ireland;  nor will we, after that day, import any East India  Tea from any part of the World; nor any Molasses, Syrups, Paneles, Coffee, or Pimento, from the British Plantations  or from Dominica;  nor Wines from Madeira , or the Western Islands;  nor Foreign Indigo. 2. That we will neither import nor purchase any Slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the Slave Trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our Commodities or Manufactures to those who are concerned in it. 3. As a Non-Consumption Agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the Non-Importation, we, as above, solemnly agree and associate, that from this day we will not purchase or use any Tea imported on account of the East India   Company, or any on which a Duty hath been or shall be paid; and from and after the first day of March next we will not purchase or use any East India Tea whatsoever; nor will we, nor shall any person for or under us, purchase or use any of those Goods, Wares, or Merchandises we have agreed not to import, which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were imported after the first day of December , except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth Article hereafter mentioned. 4. The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow-subjects in Great Britain, Ireland , or the West Indies , induces us to suspend a Non-Exportation until the tenth day of September , 1775; at which time, if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British Parliament herein after mentioned, are not repealed, we will not, directly or indirectly, export any Merchandise or Commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland , or the West Indies , except Rice to Europe . 5. Such as are Merchants, and use the British  and Irish  Trade, will give orders as soon as possible to their Factors, Agents, and Correspondents, in Great Britain  and Ireland , not to ship any Goods to them, on any pretence whatsoever, as they cannot be received in America;  and if any Merchant residing in Great Britain  or Ireland , shall directly or indirectly ship any Goods, Wares, or Merchandises for America , in order to break the said Non-Importation Agreement, or in any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well attested, it ought to be made publick; and, on the same being so done, we will not from thenceforth have any commercial connection with such Merchant. 6. That such as are Owners of vessels will give positive orders to their Captains, or Masters, not to receive on board their vessels any Goods prohibited by the said Non-Importation Agreement, on pain of immediate dismission from their service. 7. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of Sheep, and increase their number to the greatest extent; and to that end, we will kill them as sparingly as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West Indies   or elsewhere; and those of us who are or may become overstocked with, or can conveniently spare any Sheep, will dispose of them to our neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, upon moderate terms. 8. That we will, in our several stations, encourage Frugality, Economy, and Industry, and promote Agriculture, Arts, and the Manufactures of this Country, especially that of Wool; and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of plays, shews, and other expensive diversions and entertainments; and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us, or any of our families, will go into any further mourning-dress than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and necklace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals. 9. That such as are venders of Goods or Merchandises will not take advantage of the scarcity of Goods that may be occasioned by this Association, but will sell the same at the rates we have been respectively accustomed to do for twelve months last past. And if any vender of Goods or Merchandises shall sell any such Goods on higher terms, or shall, in any manner, or by any device whatsoever, violate or depart from this Agreement, no person ought, nor will any of us deal with any such person, or his or her Factor or Agent, at any time thereafter for any commodity whatever. 10. In case any Merchant, Trader, or other person, shall import any Goods or Merchandise, after the first day of December , and before the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the election of the owner, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to the Committee of the County or Town wherein they shall be imported, to be stored at the risk of the importer, until the Non-Importation Agreement shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the Committee aforesaid; and in the last mentioned case, the owner or owners of such Goods shall be reimbursed out of the sales the first cost and charges; the profit, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing such poor inhabitants of the Town of Boston  as are immediate sufferers by the Boston   Port Bill; and a particular account of all Goods so returned, stored, or sold, to be inserted in the publick papers; and if any Goods or Merchandises shall be imported after the said first day of February, the same ought forthwith to be sent back again, without breaking any of the packages thereof. 11. That a Committee be chosen in every County, City, and Town, by those who are qualified to vote for Representatives in the Legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching this Association; and when it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of any such Committee, that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this Association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the Gazette, to the end that all such foes to the rights of British America  may be publickly known, and universally contemned as the enemies of American  Liberty; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her. 12. That the Committee of Correspondence, in the respective Colonies, do frequently inspect the Entries of their Custom Houses, and inform each other, from time to time, of the true state thereof, and of every other material circumstance that may occur relative to this Association. 13. That all Manufactures of this country be sold at reasonable prices, so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of Goods. 14. And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no Trade, Commerce, Dealings, or Intercourse whatsoever with any Colony or Province in North America , which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of this country. And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our constituents, under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this Association until such parts of the several Acts of Parliament passed since the close of the last war, as impose or continue Duties on Tea, Wine, Molasses, Syrups, Paneles, Coffee, Sugar, Pimento, Indigo, Foreign Paper, Glass, and Painters' Colours, imported into America , and extend the powers of the Admiralty Courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subjects of Trial by Jury, authorize the Judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers, require oppressive security from a claimant of Ships or Goods seized, before he shall be allowed to defend his property, are repealed.—And until that part of the Act of the 12th George III. ch. 24, entitled "An Act for the better securing his Majesty's Dock-yards, Magazines, Ships, Ammunition, and Stores," by which any person charged with committing any of the offences therein described, in America , may be tried in any Shire or County within the Realm, is repealed—and until the four Acts, passed in the last session of Parliament, viz: that for stopping the Port and blocking up the Harbour of Boston —that for altering the Charter and Government of the Massachusetts Bay —and that which is entitled An Act for the better Administration of Justice, &c.—and that for extending the Limits of Quebec , &c., are repealed. And we recommend it to the Provincial Conventions, and to the Committees in the respective Colonies, to establish such farther Regulations as they may think proper for carrying into execution this Association. The foregoing Association being determined upon by the Congress, was ordered to be subscribed by the several Members thereof; and thereupon, we have hereunto set our respective names accordingly. In Congress, Philadelphia , October  20, 1774. Peyton Randolph, President . New-Hampshire, John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. Massachusetts Bay, Thomas Cushing , Samuel Adams , John Adams , Robert Treat Paine . Rhode-Island, Stephen Hopkins , Samuel Ward . Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer , Roger Sherman , Silas Deane . New-York, Isaac Low , John Alsop , John Jay , James Duane , Philip Livingston , William Floyd , Henry Wisner , Simon Boerum. New-Jersey, James Kinsey, William Livingston , Stephen Crane , Richard Smith , John De Hart. Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway , John Dickinson , Charles Humphreys , Thomas Mifflin , Edward Biddle , John Morton , George Ross . The Lower Counties , New-Castle, & c ., Cæsar Rodney Thomas M c Kean , George Read . Maryland, Matthew Tilghman , Thomas Johnson , Junr. William Paca , Samuel Chase . Virginia, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington , Patrick Henry , Junr. Richard Bland , Benjamin Harrison , Edmund Pendleton. North Carolina, William Hooper , Joseph Hewes , Richard Caswell . South Carolina, Henry Middleton , Thomas Lynch , Christopher Gadsden , John Rutledge , Edward Rutledge . Source: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-01-02-0094

October 31, 1787 Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence For the Independent Journal. Author: John Jay To the People of the State of New York: WHEN the people of America reflect that they are now called upon to decide a question, which, in its consequences, must prove one of the most important that ever engaged their attention, the propriety of their taking a very comprehensive, as well as a very serious, view of it, will be evident. Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government, and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted, the people must cede to it some of their natural rights in order to vest it with requisite powers. It is well worthy of consideration therefore, whether it would conduce more to the interest of the people of America that they should, to all general purposes, be one nation, under one federal government, or that they should divide themselves into separate confederacies, and give to the head of each the same kind of powers which they are advised to place in one national government. It has until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion that the prosperity of the people of America depended on their continuing firmly united, and the wishes, prayers, and efforts of our best and wisest citizens have been constantly directed to that object. But politicians now appear, who insist that this opinion is erroneous, and that instead of looking for safety and happiness in union, we ought to seek it in a division of the States into distinct confederacies or sovereignties. However extraordinary this new doctrine may appear, it nevertheless has its advocates; and certain characters who were much opposed to it formerly, are at present of the number. Whatever may be the arguments or inducements which have wrought this change in the sentiments and declarations of these gentlemen, it certainly would not be wise in the people at large to adopt these new political tenets without being fully convinced that they are founded in truth and sound policy. It has often given me pleasure to observe that independent America was not composed of detached and distant territories, but that one connected, fertile, widespreading country was the portion of our western sons of liberty. Providence has in a particular manner blessed it with a variety of soils and productions, and watered it with innumerable streams, for the delight and accommodation of its inhabitants. A succession of navigable waters forms a kind of chain round its borders, as if to bind it together; while the most noble rivers in the world, running at convenient distances, present them with highways for the easy communication of friendly aids, and the mutual transportation and exchange of their various commodities. With equal pleasure I have as often taken notice that Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people--a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs, and who, by their joint counsels, arms, and efforts, fighting side by side throughout a long and bloody war, have nobly established general liberty and independence. This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties. Similar sentiments have hitherto prevailed among all orders and denominations of men among us. To all general purposes we have uniformly been one people each individual citizen everywhere enjoying the same national rights, privileges, and protection. As a nation we have made peace and war; as a nation we have vanquished our common enemies; as a nation we have formed alliances, and made treaties, and entered into various compacts and conventions with foreign states. A strong sense of the value and blessings of union induced the people, at a very early period, to institute a federal government to preserve and perpetuate it. They formed it almost as soon as they had a political existence; nay, at a time when their habitations were in flames, when many of their citizens were bleeding, and when the progress of hostility and desolation left little room for those calm and mature inquiries and reflections which must ever precede the formation of a wise and wellbalanced government for a free people. It is not to be wondered at, that a government instituted in times so inauspicious, should on experiment be found greatly deficient and inadequate to the purpose it was intended to answer. This intelligent people perceived and regretted these defects. Still continuing no less attached to union than enamored of liberty, they observed the danger which immediately threatened the former and more remotely the latter; and being pursuaded that ample security for both could only be found in a national government more wisely framed, they as with one voice, convened the late convention at Philadelphia, to take that important subject under consideration. This convention composed of men who possessed the confidence of the people, and many of whom had become highly distinguished by their patriotism, virtue and wisdom, in times which tried the minds and hearts of men, undertook the arduous task. In the mild season of peace, with minds unoccupied by other subjects, they passed many months in cool, uninterrupted, and daily consultation; and finally, without having been awed by power, or influenced by any passions except love for their country, they presented and recommended to the people the plan produced by their joint and very unanimous councils. Admit, for so is the fact, that this plan is only RECOMMENDED, not imposed, yet let it be remembered that it is neither recommended to BLIND approbation, nor to BLIND reprobation; but to that sedate and candid consideration which the magnitude and importance of the subject demand, and which it certainly ought to receive. But this (as was remarked in the foregoing number of this paper) is more to be wished than expected, that it may be so considered and examined. Experience on a former occasion teaches us not to be too sanguine in such hopes. It is not yet forgotten that well-grounded apprehensions of imminent danger induced the people of America to form the memorable Congress of 1774. That body recommended certain measures to their constituents, and the event proved their wisdom; yet it is fresh in our memories how soon the press began to teem with pamphlets and weekly papers against those very measures. Not only many of the officers of government, who obeyed the dictates of personal interest, but others, from a mistaken estimate of consequences, or the undue influence of former attachments, or whose ambition aimed at objects which did not correspond with the public good, were indefatigable in their efforts to pursuade the people to reject the advice of that patriotic Congress. Many, indeed, were deceived and deluded, but the great majority of the people reasoned and decided judiciously; and happy they are in reflecting that they did so. They considered that the Congress was composed of many wise and experienced men. That, being convened from different parts of the country, they brought with them and communicated to each other a variety of useful information. That, in the course of the time they passed together in inquiring into and discussing the true interests of their country, they must have acquired very accurate knowledge on that head. That they were individually interested in the public liberty and prosperity, and therefore that it was not less their inclination than their duty to recommend only such measures as, after the most mature deliberation, they really thought prudent and advisable. These and similar considerations then induced the people to rely greatly on the judgment and integrity of the Congress; and they took their advice, notwithstanding the various arts and endeavors used to deter them from it. But if the people at large had reason to confide in the men of that Congress, few of whom had been fully tried or generally known, still greater reason have they now to respect the judgment and advice of the convention, for it is well known that some of the most distinguished members of that Congress, who have been since tried and justly approved for patriotism and abilities, and who have grown old in acquiring political information, were also members of this convention, and carried into it their accumulated knowledge and experience. It is worthy of remark that not only the first, but every succeeding Congress, as well as the late convention, have invariably joined with the people in thinking that the prosperity of America depended on its Union. To preserve and perpetuate it was the great object of the people in forming that convention, and it is also the great object of the plan which the convention has advised them to adopt. With what propriety, therefore, or for what good purposes, are attempts at this particular period made by some men to depreciate the importance of the Union? Or why is it suggested that three or four confederacies would be better than one? I am persuaded in my own mind that the people have always thought right on this subject, and that their universal and uniform attachment to the cause of the Union rests on great and weighty reasons, which I shall endeavor to develop and explain in some ensuing papers. They who promote the idea of substituting a number of distinct confederacies in the room of the plan of the convention, seem clearly to foresee that the rejection of it would put the continuance of the Union in the utmost jeopardy. That certainly would be the case, and I sincerely wish that it may be as clearly foreseen by every good citizen, that whenever the dissolution of the Union arrives, America will have reason to exclaim, in the words of the poet: FAREWELL! A LONG FAREWELL TO ALL MY GREATNESS PUBLIUS. Source: https://www.consource.org/document/the-federalist-no-2-1787-10-31/20130122081522/

December 31, 1977   The exchange began at 10:18 p.m. in the Niavaran Palace, Tehran, Iran. THE SHAH. Mr. President, Mrs. Carter, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen: It gives the Shabanou and myself great pleasure to welcome you to our country. This reception is particularly auspicious since it takes place on the eve of 1978, and your presence here represents a New Year's gift for your Iranian friends. In our country, according to ancient tradition, the visit of the first guest in the new year is an omen for that year. And although the annual new year is celebrated with the advent of spring, nevertheless, since the distinguished guest tonight is such a person of good will and achievement, naturally we consider it as a most excellent omen. Mr. President, you now have come to a country which has always had unshakable links with your country and your great nation. We are united together by a special relationship made all the closer by a wide community of mutual interests, which we share in our firm determination to contribute to the maintenance of world peace and security in assuring human progress and betterment. History has been witness to the growth and development of an outstanding relationship Between two nations motivated by common trust, good will, and respect which has repeatedly withstood the test of time. Humanitarianism, liberty, good will, constructiveness, and creativeness, which are the distinctive qualities of the great American nation, have always been highly regarded by us. Fortunately, our American friends have also perceived this friendship and regard of our people from the very beginning. The Reverend Mr. Smith, the first American that set foot on the land of Iran in the year 1832, wrote in his assignment report that living among good people like Iranians and serving them was more' pleasant for him than anything else, and that he considered the best days of his life those spent in this country. It gives me pleasure to state that the fruitful cooperation, the social and cultural fields between our two nations have commenced even prior to the establishment of diplomatic relations. The first modern school was established in Iran in the year 1836 by American missionaries. The American College in Tehran, which was established 100 years ago, was an outstanding center for the education and training of Iranian youth during the whole course of its activities. Our people carry such good memories of its beloved principal, Dr. Samuel Jordan, that one of the highways of Tehran has been named after him. Now that we are reminiscing on our meritorious American friends, it is perhaps suitable to cherish the memory of Howard Baskerville, a young American who, upon completion of his studies at Princeton, was assigned as a teacher in the Memorial School at Tabriz and, during the constitutional revolution of Iran, heroically and bravely lost his life in the fight for freedom. This feeling towards Iran has always been evidenced in the literary works of your nation. For instance, the poetry of Ralph Waldo Emerson, in glorifying Iran, is .one of the most beautiful examples of its kind in the world of literature. The basic and comprehensive work of Arthur Upham Pope regarding the art of Iran is the best research work that has ever been prepared in this field. Likewise, the extensive studies of William Jackson regarding the culture and civilization of Iran are among the most valuable researches in the history of Iranology. Numerous universities in the United States have expanded activities in the fields of Iranian studies and its language. Also valuable treasures of the culture and art of Iran are preserved in various libraries and museums of your country. Moreover, American archeologists have played an eminent role in archeological discoveries in Iran. In the political field, our nation carries unforgettable memories of the role of America in our crisis and times of stress, from the beginning of the present century. For instance, we will never forget that in the great political and economic adversity of our country, in the second decade of this century, William Morgan Shuster, upon the invitation of the government of Iran, sincerely endeavored to bring order into the finances of Iran. Moreover, when, following the 1919 agreement, Iran was in danger of losing its independence, America ,raised its voice to the world in support of the sovereignty of Iran, as also in the years after the Second World War, America provided us with vital economic and political assistance. During World War II, I personally had the pleasure of meeting President Franklin Roosevelt in our capital city. Since then I had the opportunity of welcoming in Iran several Presidents of the United States. And I personally have also traveled repeatedly to your great country. I am glad to state that all these visits have been accompanied with the spirit of friendship and cooperation, which is the distinct quality of our relationship. An example of this cooperation is the long-term economic exchange agreement between Iran and the United States, which was recently signed and, in its scope, is the largest agreement ever signed between us and any other country. Almost 100 years ago the first American Ambassador, Samuel G. W. Benjamin, who had been assigned by President Chester Alan Arthur, came to Iran. In his book, "Persia and the Persians," he wrote, "Iran today is a weak and unknown country, but certainly this country will step into the path of progress and in the not too distant future will again play an important role in the world." Now with this prediction coming true, our country has started its role within its potentialities and possibilities. Perhaps it need not be mentioned, but this is a positive and constructive role and in conformity with the principles that your great country has always supported independent and of which you, Mr. President, are the most notable advocate. From the early days of your election campaign you indicated how much you will attach to high ideals of right and justice, moral beliefs in human values. These are all qualities that have elevated the American society in such a short period of time to its present high prestige in the world, and a nation like ours with its ancient culture can very well feel to what extent such concepts in moral principles are vital, especially in the world of today, which is suffering from some sort of a civilization crisis. I entertain excellent memories of the fruitful discussions which I had with you in Washington a few weeks ago. The cordial hospitality extended by Mrs. Carter and yourself and the warmth of your attitude and the understanding which you showed in our discussions have deeply touched me. I am glad that our discussions were so meaningful, particularly in the case of energy, which is one of the most important and vital problems of our era. We, who are among the greatest producers, share the same view that the present unrestricted use of oil--which is an expendable and finite resource--is not logical and that this valuable commodity, instead of the present, normal daily use, should be utilized mainly in the petrochemical industry. In the meantime, efforts should be exerted to find a substitute in new resources of energy. Fortunately, we enjoy close cooperation with your country in the field of energy, which will no doubt be consolidated in the future. We also share the same opinions regarding the establishment of an honorable and durable peace, and we sincerely hope that 1978, which begins tomorrow, will be a year of such a peace of which you are the harbinger. I wish every success to you,Mr. President, and Mrs. Carter, who has proved to be such a successful ambassador of good will, motivated, as she is, by high humanitarian ideals in your present tour, and hope that this will prove to be fruitful trips in the interest of the whole world and that of peace, security, and welfare for human society. With this hope I propose a toast, Mr. President, for your and Mrs. Carter's health and happiness, for the further progress and prosperity of the great and noble American people, for the ever increasing friendship and cooperation between our two countries, and for international peace and understanding. PRESIDENT CARTER. Your Majesties and distinguished leaders of Iran from all walks of life: I would like to say just a few words tonight in appreciation for your hospitality and the delightful evening that we've already experienced with you. Some have asked why we came to Iran so close behind the delightful visit that we received from the Shah and Empress Farah just a month or so ago. After they left our country, I asked my wife, "With whom would you like to spend New Year's Eve?" And she said, "Above all others, I think, with the Shah and Empress Farah." So we arranged the trip accordingly and came to be with you. These visits and the close cooperation that we share, the intense personal and group negotiations and consultations are very beneficial to both our countries. They are particularly beneficial to me as a new leader of the United States. I might pause parenthetically and say I apologize for taking 10 years off your service this afternoon when I said 27 years. It should have been 37 years. And Empress Farah, thank you very much for correcting me on that. The Shah said he felt 10 years younger when I did that. [Laughter] But we do have a close friendship that's very meaningful to all the people in our country. I think it is a good harbinger of things to come--that we could close out this year and begin a new year with those in whom we have such great confidence and with whom we share such great responsibilities for the present and for the future. As we drove in from the airport this afternoon to the beautiful white palace where we will spend the night, and saw the monument in the distance, I asked the Shah what was the purpose of the beautiful monument. And he told me that it was built several years ago, erected to commemorate the 2500th anniversary of this great nation. This was a sobering thought to me. We have been very proud in our Nation to celebrate our 200th birthday, a couple of years ago. But it illustrates the deep and penetrating consciousness that comes from an ancient heritage and a culture that preceded any that we've ever known in our own lives. Recently, Empress Farah gave us a beautiful book called "The Bridge of Turquoise"--and we get many gifts of that kind from visitors--and for a few days I have to admit that we didn't pay enough attention to it. And one night I started to thumb through the pages, and I called my wife, Rosalynn, and I called my daughter, Amy, who climbed into my lap, and we spent several hours studying very carefully the beautiful history that this book portrays of Persia, of Iran, of its people, of its lands, of its heritage and its history, and also of its future. It caused me to be reminded again of the value of ancient friendships and the importance of close ties that bind us as we face difficult problems. Iran, because of the great leadership of the Shah, is an island of stability in one of the more troubled areas of the world. This is a great tribute to you, Your Majesty, and to your leadership and to the respect and the admiration and love which your people give to you. The transformation that has taken place in this nation is indeed remarkable under your leadership. And as we sat together this afternoon, discussing privately for a few moments what might be done to bring peace to the Middle East, I was profoundly impressed again not only with your wisdom and your judgment and your sensitivity and insight but also with the close compatibility that we found in addressing this difficult question. As we visit with leaders who have in their hands the responsibility for making decisions that can bring peace to the Middle East and ensure a peaceful existence for all of us who live in the world, no matter where our nations might be, it's important that we continue to benefit from your sound judgment and from your good advice. We also had a chance to discuss another potential troubled area, the Horn of Africa. And here again we live at a great distance from it. But this region, which already sees the initiation of hostility and combat, needs to be brought under the good influence of you and others who live in this region. And we will be glad to cooperate in any way that we can. We want peace Go return. We want Somalia and Ethiopia to be friends again, border disputes to be eased and those of us who do have any influence at all to use that influence for these purposes. We have also known about the great benefits that we derive in our own nation from the close business relationships that we have with Iran. As I drove through the beautiful streets of Tehran today with the Shah, we saw literally thousands of Iranian citizens standing beside the street with a friendly attitude, expressing their welcome to me. And I also saw hundreds, perhaps even thousands of American citizens who stand there welcoming their President in a nation which has taken them to heart and made them feel at home. There are about 30,000 Americans here who work in close harmony with the people of Iran to carve out a better future for you, which also helps to ensure, Your Majesty, a better future for ourselves. We share industrial growth, we share scientific achievements, we share research and development knowledge, and this gives us the stability for the present which is indeed valuable to both our countries. We are also blessed with the largest number of foreign students in our country from your own nation. And I think this ensures, too, that we share the knowledge that is engendered by our great universities, but also that when these young leaders come back to your country for many years in the future, for many generations in the future, our friendship is ensured. We are very grateful for this and value it very much. I have tried to become better acquainted with the culture of Iran in the preparation for my visit here. I was particularly impressed with a brief passage from one of Iran's great poets, Saadi. And I would like to read a few words from him. Empress Farah tells me that he lived about 600 years ago. "Human beings are like parts of a body, created from the same essence. When one part is hurt and in pain, others cannot remain in peace and quiet. If the misery of others leaves you indifferent and with no feeling of sorrow, then you cannot be called a human being." I asked Empress Farah why this poet was so famous here in Iran, because he had impressed me so greatly, too. And she said that because he had the greatest facility for professing profound thoughts in the simplest possible words that the average citizen could understand. Well, this brief passage shows that there is within the consciousness of human beings a close tie with one's neighbors, one's family, and one's friends, but it also ties us with human beings throughout the world. When one is hurt or suffers, all of us, if we are human beings, are hurt and we suffer. The cause of human rights is one that also is shared deeply by our people and by the leaders of our two nations. Our talks have been priceless, our friendship is irreplaceable, and my own gratitude is to the Shah, who in his wisdom and with his experience has been so helpful to me, a new leader. We have no other nation on Earth who is closer to us in planning for our mutual military security. We have no other nation with whom we have closer consultation on regional problems that concern us both. And there is no leader with whom I have a deeper sense of personal gratitude and personal friendship. On behalf of the people of the United States, I would like to offer a toast at this time to the great leaders of Iran, the Shah and the Shahbanou and to the people of Iran and to the world peace that we hope together we can help to bring. Image Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Island_of_Stability_(speech)#/media/File:Jimmy_Carter_speaks_at_a_State_Dinner_hosted_by_the_Shah_of_Iran._-_NARA_-_177334.tif Text Source: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/toasts-the-president-and-the-shah-state-dinner-tehran-iran Video Source: https://search.library.wisc.edu/digital/A42P4WPB2ZR62D82

Massachusettensis : OR A SERIES of LETTERS, CONTAINING A FAITHFUL STATE OF MANY IMPORTANT AND STRIKING FACTS, WHICH LAID THE FOUNDATION OF THE PRESENT TROUBLES in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay; interspersed with ANIMADVERSIONS and REFLECTIONS, originally Addressed to the PEOPLE of that Province, and worthy the Consideration of the true Patriots of this Country. By a Person of Honor upon the Spot. Falsus Honor juvat, & mendax Infamia terret, Quem, nisi mendosum & mendacem? Vir bonus est quis? Qui Consulta Patrum, qui Leges Juraque servat. Hor. Ep. xvi. BOSTON printed: London reprinted for J. Mathews, No. 18, in the Strand, M DCC LXXVI Massachusettensis I - December 12, 1774 Massachusettensis II - December 19, 1774 Massachusettensis III - December 26, 1774 Massachusettensis IIII - January 2, 1774 Massachusettensis V - January 9, 1774 Massachusettensis VI - January 16, 1774 Massachusettensis VII - January 23, 1774 Massachusettensis VIII - January 30, 1774 Massachusettensis VIIII - February 6, 1774 Massachusettensis X - February 13, 1774 Massachusettensis XI - February 20, 1774 Massachusettensis XII - February 27, 1774 Massachusettensis XIII - March 6, 1774 Massachusettensis XIIII - March 13, 1774 Massachusettensis XV - March 20, 1774 Massachusettensis XVI - March 27, 1774 Massachusettensis XVII - April 3, 1774 Massachusettensis was written by Jonathan Sewall and published in the years 1774-1775. Source: Leonard, Daniel. Massachusettensis . J. Matthews, 1776. [The author was wrongfully attributed to Daniel Leonard, John Adams would later clarify that it was his friend Jonathan Sewall who write these essays]

Written on several loose pages and inserted into one of his Diaries. August 15, 1765 I hope it will give no offence, to enquire into the Grounds and Reasons of the strange Conduct of Yesterday and last Night, at Boston. Is there any Evidence, that Mr. Oliver ever wrote to the Ministry, or to any Body in England any unfavourable Representations, of the People of this Province? Has he ever placed the Character of the People, their Manners, their Laws, their Principles in Religion or Government, their submission to order and Magistracy, in a false Light?    Is it known that he ever advised the Ministry to lay internal Taxes upon Us? That he ever solicited the office of Distributer of Stamps? or that he has ever done any Thing to injure the People, or to incur their Displeasure, besides barely accepting of that office? If there is no Proof at all of any such Injury done to the People by that Gentleman, has not the blind, undistinguishing Rage of the Rabble done him, irreparable Injustice? To be placed, only in Pageantry, in the most conspicuous Part of the Town, with such ignominous Devices around him, would be thought severity enough by any Man of common sensibility: But to be carried thro the Town, in such insolent Tryumph and burned on an Hill, to have his Garden torn in Pieces, his House broken open, his furniture destroyed and his whole family thrown into Confusion and Terror, is a very attrocious Violation of the Peace and of dangerous Tendency and Consequence.    But on the other Hand let us ask a few Questions. Has not his Honour the Lieutenant Governor discovered to the People in innumerable Instances, a very ambitious and avaricious Disposition? Has he not grasped four of the most important offices in the Province into his own Hands? Has not his Brother in Law Oliver another of the greatest Places in Government? Is not a Brother of the Secretary, a Judge of the Superiour Court? Has not that Brother a son in the House? Has not the secretary a son in the House, who is also a judge in one of the Counties? Did not that son marry the Daughter of another of the judges of the Superiour Court? Has not the Lieutenant Governor a Brother, a Judge of the Pleas in Boston? and a Namesake and near Relation who is another judge? Has not the Lieutenant Governor a near Relation who is Register of his own Court of Probate, and Deputy Secretary? Has he not another near Relation who is Clerk of the House of Representatives? Is not this amazing ascendancy of one Family, enough Foundation sufficient on which to erect a Tyranny? Is it not enough to excite jealousies among the People?    Quere further. Has not many a Member of both Houses, laboured to the Utmost of his Ability, to obtain a Resolution to send home some Petitions and Remonstrances to the King, Lords and Commons vs. the Impositions they saw were about to be laid upon Us. Has not the Lieutenant Governor all along been the very Gentleman who has prevented it, and wiped out every spirited, if not every sensible Expression out of those Petitions?    Quaere further. When the Court was about to choose an Agent, did not the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Secretary, make Use of all their Influence to procure an Election for Mr. Jackson? Was not Mr. Jackson  [ . . . ] a secretary to Mr. Greenville? Was not Mr. Greenville, the Author of the late Measures relative to the Colonies? Was not Mr. Jackson an Agent and a particular Friend of the Governor? Was not all this considering the natural jealousy of Mankind, enough to excite suspicions among the Vulgar, that all these Gentlemen were in a Combination, to favour the Measures of the Ministry, at least to prevent any Thing from being done here to discourage the Minister from his rash, mad, and Dogmatical Proceedings?    Would it not be Prudence then in those Gentlemen at this alarming Conjuncture, and a Condescention that is due to the present Fears and Distresses of the People, (in some manner consistent with the Dignity of their stations and Characters,) to remove these jealousies from the Minds of the People by giving an easy solution of these Difficulties?   Source and Image Permission by: https://www.masshist.org/digitaladams/archive/doc?id=D10&bc=%2Fdigitaladams%2Farchive%2Fbrowse%2Fdiaries_by_date.php

Execution Thomas More Arrest panel - Antoine-1535

Common Sense Thomas Paine INTRODUCTION PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. As a long and violent abuse of power is generally the means of calling the right of it in question, (and in matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry,) and as the king of England hath undertaken in his own right, to support the parliament in what he calls theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either. In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise and the worthy need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious or unfriendly, will cease of themselves, unless too much pains is bestowed upon their conversion. The cause of America is, in a great measure, the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all lovers of mankind are affected, and in the event of which, their affections are interested. The laying a country desolate with fire and sword, declaring war against the natural rights of all mankind, and extirpating the defenders thereof from the face of the earth, is the concern of every man to whom nature hath given the power of feeling; of which class, regardless of party censure, is The Author. The first edition was published on January 10, 1776. Chapters Source: https://ahp.gatech.edu/common_sense_1776.html