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OK, let’s get to business. Let’s get to business. All right. So, let me start by thanking my most incredible husband, Doug. For being an incredible partner to me, an incredible father to Cole and Ella, and happy anniversary, Dougie. I love you so very much. To our president, Joe Biden. When I think about the path that we have traveled together, Joe, I am filled with gratitude. Your record is extraordinary, as history will show, and your character is inspiring. And Doug and I love you and Jill, and are forever thankful to you both. And to Coach Tim Walz. You are going to be an incredible vice president. And to the delegates and everyone who has put your faith in our campaign, your support is humbling. So, America, the path that led me here in recent weeks was, no doubt, unexpected. But I’m no stranger to unlikely journeys. So, my mother, our mother, Shyamala Harris, had one of her own. And I miss her every day, and especially right now. And I know she’s looking down smiling. I know that. So, my mother was 19 when she crossed the world alone, traveling from India to California with an unshakable dream to be the scientist who would cure breast cancer. When she finished school, she was supposed to return home to a traditional arranged marriage. But as fate would have it, she met my father, Donald Harris, a student from Jamaica. They fell in love and got married, and that act of self-determination made my sister, Maya, and me. Growing up, we moved a lot. I will always remember that big Mayflower truck, packed with all our belongings, ready to go — to Illinois, to Wisconsin, and wherever our parents’ jobs took us. My early memories of our parents together are very joyful ones. A home filled with laughter and music: Aretha, Coltrane and Miles. At the park, my mother would say, “Stay close.” But my father would say, as he smiled, “Run, Kamala, run. Don’t be afraid. Don’t let anything stop you.” From my earliest years, he taught me to be fearless. But the harmony between my parents did not last. When I was in elementary school, they split up, and it was mostly my mother who raised us. Before she could finally afford to buy a home, she rented a small apartment in the East Bay. In the Bay — in the Bay — you either live in the hills or the flatlands. We lived in the flats. A beautiful, working-class neighborhood of firefighters, nurses and construction workers. All who tended their lawns with pride. My mother, she worked long hours. And like many working parents, she leaned on a trusted circle to help raise us. Mrs. Shelton, who ran the day care below us and became a second mother. Uncle Sherman, Aunt Mary, Uncle Freddie, Auntie Chris — none of them family by blood, and all of them family by love. Family who taught us how to make gumbo, how to play chess — and sometimes even let us win. Family who loved us, believed in us, and told us we could be anything and do anything. They instilled in us the values they personified — community, faith and the importance of treating others as you would want to be treated. With kindness, respect and compassion. My mother was a brilliant, five-foot-tall brown woman with an accent. And as the eldest child — as the eldest child — I saw how the world would sometimes treat her. But my mother never lost her cool. She was tough, courageous, a trailblazer in the fight for women’s health, and she taught Maya and me a lesson that Michelle mentioned the other night. She taught us to never complain about injustice, but do something about it. Do something about it. That was my mother. And she taught us — and she always — she also taught us, and she also taught us — and never do anything half-assed. And that is a direct quote. A direct quote. I grew up immersed in the ideals of the civil rights movement. My parents had met at a civil rights gathering and they made sure that we learned about civil rights leaders, including the lawyers like Thurgood Marshall and Constance Baker Motley, those who battled in the courtroom to make real the promise of America. So, at a young age, I decided I wanted to do that work. I wanted to be a lawyer. And when it came time to choose the type of law I would pursue, I reflected on a pivotal moment in my life. You see, when I was in high school, I started to notice something about my best friend, Wanda. She was sad at school, and there were times she didn’t want to go home. So one day I asked if everything was all right, and she confided in me that she was being sexually abused by her stepfather. And I immediately told her she had to come stay with us, and she did. This is one of the reasons I became a prosecutor: to protect people like Wanda, because I believe everyone has a right to safety, to dignity and to justice. As a prosecutor, when I had a case, I charged it not in the name of the victim, but in the name of the people, for a simple reason. In our system of justice, a harm against any one of us is a harm against all of us. And I would often explain this to console survivors of crime, to remind them: No one should be made to fight alone. We are all in this together. And every day, in the courtroom, I stood proudly before a judge and I said five words: Kamala Harris, for the people. And to be clear — and to be clear, my entire career, I’ve only had one client: the people. And, so, on behalf of the people, on behalf of every American, regardless of party, race, gender or the language your grandmother speaks. On behalf of my mother, and everyone who has ever set out on their own unlikely journey. On behalf of Americans like the people I grew up with — people who work hard, chase their dreams and look out for one another. On behalf of everyone whose story could only be written in the greatest nation on Earth, I accept your nomination to be president of the United States of America. And with this election, and — and with this election, our nation — our nation, with this election, has a precious, fleeting opportunity to move past the bitterness, cynicism and divisive battles of the past, a chance to chart a new way forward. Not as members of any one party or faction, but as Americans. And let me say, I know there are people of various political views watching tonight. And I want you to know, I promise to be a president for all Americans. You can always trust me to put country above party and self. To hold sacred America’s fundamental principles, from the rule of law, to free and fair elections, to the peaceful transfer of power. I will be a president who unites us around our highest aspirations. A president who leads and listens; who is realistic, practical and has common sense; and always fights for the American people. From the courthouse to the White House, that has been my life’s work. As a young courtroom prosecutor in Oakland, Calif., I stood up for women and children against predators who abused them. As attorney general of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights, one of the first of its kind in the nation. I stood up for veterans and students being scammed by big, for-profit colleges. For workers who were being cheated out of their wages, the wages they were due. For seniors facing elder abuse. I fought against the cartels who traffic in guns and drugs and human beings. Who threaten the security of our border and the safety of our communities. And I will tell you, these fights were not easy, and neither were the elections that put me in those offices. We were underestimated at practically every turn. But we never gave up. Because the future is always worth fighting for. And that’s the fight we are in right now — a fight for America’s future. Fellow Americans, this election is not only the most important of our lives, it is one of the most important in the life of our nation. In many ways, Donald Trump is an unserious man. But the consequences — but the consequences of putting Donald Trump back in the White House are extremely serious. Consider — consider not only the chaos and calamity when he was in office, but also the gravity of what has happened since he lost the last election. Donald Trump tried to throw away your votes. When he failed, he sent an armed mob to the U.S. Capitol, where they assaulted law enforcement officers. When politicians in his own party begged him to call off the mob and send help, he did the opposite — he fanned the flames. And now, for an entirely different set of crimes, he was found guilty of fraud by a jury of everyday Americans, and separately — and separately found liable for committing sexual abuse. And consider, consider what he intends to do if we give him power again. Consider his explicit intent to set free violent extremists who assaulted those law enforcement officers at the Capitol. His explicit intent to jail journalists, political opponents and anyone he sees as the enemy. His explicit intent to deploy our active duty military against our own citizens. Consider, consider the power he will have, especially after the U.S. Supreme Court just ruled that he would be immune from criminal prosecution. Just imagine Donald Trump with no guardrails, and how he would use the immense powers of the presidency of the United States. Not to improve your life, not to strengthen our national security, but to serve the only client he has ever had: himself. And we know, and we know what a second Trump term would look like. It’s all laid out in Project 2025, written by his closest advisers. And its sum total is to pull our country back to the past. But America, we are not going back. We are not going back. We are not going back. We are not going back to when Donald Trump tried to cut Social Security and Medicare. We are not going back to when he tried to get rid of the Affordable Care Act, when insurance companies could deny people with pre-existing conditions. We are not going to let him eliminate the Department of Education that funds our public schools. We are not going to let him end programs like Head Start that provide preschool and child care for our children. America, we are not going back. And we are charting — and we are charting a new way forward. Forward to a future with a strong and growing middle class because we know a strong middle class has always been critical to America’s success, and building that middle class will be a defining goal of my presidency. And I’ll tell you, this is personal for me. The middle class is where I come from. My mother kept a strict budget. We lived within our means. Yet, we wanted for little and she expected us to make the most of the opportunities that were available to us, and to be grateful for them. Because, as she taught us, opportunity is not available to everyone. That’s why we will create what I call an opportunity economy, an opportunity economy where everyone has the chance to compete and a chance to succeed. Whether you live in a rural area, small town, or big city. And as president, I will bring together labor and workers and small-business owners and entrepreneurs and American companies to create jobs, to grow our economy and to lower the cost of everyday needs like health care and housing and groceries. We will provide access to capital for small-business owners and entrepreneurs and founders. And we will end America’s housing shortage, and protect Social Security and Medicare. Now compare that to Donald Trump. Because I think everyone here knows, he doesn’t actually fight for the middle class. Not — he doesn’t actually fight for the middle class. Instead, he fights for himself and his billionaire friends. And he will give them another round of tax breaks that will add up to $5 trillion to the national debt. And all the while, he intends to enact what, in effect, is a national sales tax, call it a Trump tax, that would raise prices on middle-class families by almost $4,000 a year. Well, instead of a Trump tax hike, we will pass a middle-class tax cut that will benefit more than 100 million Americans. Friends, I believe America cannot truly be prosperous unless Americans are fully able to make their own decisions about their own lives, especially on matters of heart and home. Election Q. and A. New York Times editors and reporters will provide answers about how we cover the candidates, conduct polls and follow the vote-count on election night. Curious About How The Times Is Covering the Election? Send Us Your Questions. Oct. 2, 2024 But tonight, in America, too many women are not able to make those decisions. And let’s be clear about how we got here: Donald Trump handpicked members of the U.S. Supreme Court to take away reproductive freedom. And now, he brags about it. In his words, “I did it, and I’m proud to have done it.” Well, I will tell you, over the past two years, I’ve traveled across our country, and women have told me their stories. Husbands and fathers have shared theirs. Stories of women miscarrying in a parking lot, developing sepsis, losing the ability to ever again have children, all because doctors are afraid they may go to jail for caring for their patients. Couples just trying to grow their family, cut off in the middle of I.V.F. treatments. Children who have survived sexual assault, potentially being forced to carry a pregnancy to term. This is what’s happening in our country because of Donald Trump. And understand, he is not done. As a part of his agenda, he and his allies would limit access to birth control, ban medication abortion and enact a nationwide abortion ban, with or without Congress. And get this. Get this. He plans to create a national anti-abortion coordinator, and force states to report on women’s miscarriages and abortions. Simply put, they are out of their minds. And one must ask — one must ask, why exactly is it that they don’t trust women? Well, we trust women. We trust women. And when Congress passes a bill to restore reproductive freedom, as president of the United States, I will proudly sign it into law. In this election, many other fundamental freedoms are at stake. The freedom to live safe from gun violence in our schools, communities and places of worship. The freedom to love who you love openly and with pride. The freedom to breathe clean air, and drink clean water and live free from the pollution that fuels the climate crisis. And the freedom that unlocks all the others: the freedom to vote. With this election, we finally have the opportunity to pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act and the Freedom to Vote Act. And let me be clear — and let me be clear, after decades in law enforcement, I know the importance of safety and security, especially at our border. Last year, Joe and I brought together Democrats and conservative Republicans to write the strongest border bill in decades. The border patrol endorsed it. But Donald Trump believes a border deal would hurt his campaign, so he ordered his allies in Congress to kill the deal. Well, I refuse to play politics with our security, and here is my pledge to you. As president, I will bring back the bipartisan border security bill that he killed, and I will sign it into law. I know — I know we can live up to our proud heritage as a nation of immigrants and reform our broken immigration system. We can create an earned pathway to citizenship and secure our border. And America, we must also be steadfast in advancing our security and values abroad. As vice president, I have confronted threats to our security, negotiated with foreign leaders, strengthened our alliances and engaged with our brave troops overseas. As commander in chief, I will ensure America always has the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world. And I will fulfill our sacred obligation to care for our troops and their families, and I will always honor and never disparage their service and their sacrifice. I will make sure that we lead the world into the future on space and artificial intelligence. That America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century and that we strengthen, not abdicate, our global leadership. Trump, on the other hand, threatened to abandon NATO. He encouraged Putin to invade our allies. Said Russia could “do whatever the hell they want.” Five days before Russia attacked Ukraine, I met with President Zelensky to warn him about Russia’s plan to invade. I helped mobilize a global response — over 50 countries — to defend against Putin’s aggression. And as president, I will stand strong with Ukraine and our NATO allies. With respect to the war in Gaza, President Biden and I are working around the clock, because now is the time to get a hostage deal and a cease-fire deal done. And let me be clear. And let me be clear. I will always stand up for Israel’s right to defend itself, and I will always ensure Israel has the ability to defend itself, because the people of Israel must never again face the horror that a terrorist organization called Hamas caused on Oct. 7, including unspeakable sexual violence and the massacre of young people at a music festival. At the same time, what has happened in Gaza over the past 10 months is devastating. So many innocent lives lost. Desperate, hungry people fleeing for safety, over and over again. The scale of suffering is heartbreaking. President Biden and I are working to end this war, such that Israel is secure, the hostages are released, the suffering in Gaza ends and the Palestinian people can realize their right to dignity, security, freedom and self-determination. And know this: I will never hesitate to take whatever action is necessary to defend our forces and our interests against Iran and Iran-backed terrorists. I will not cozy up to tyrants and dictators like Kim Jong-un, who are rooting for Trump. Who are rooting for Trump. Because, you know, they know — they know he is easy to manipulate with flattery and favors. They know Trump won’t hold autocrats accountable because he wants to be an autocrat himself. And as president, I will never waver in defense of America’s security and ideals, because in the enduring struggle between democracy and tyranny, I know where I stand and I know where the United States belongs. So, fellow Americans. Fellow Americans. I — I love our country with all my heart. Everywhere I go — everywhere I go, in everyone I meet, I see a nation that is ready to move forward. Ready for the next step in the incredible journey that is America. I see an America where we hold fast to the fearless belief that built our nation and inspired the world. That here, in this country, anything is possible. That nothing is out of reach. An America where we care for one another, look out for one another and recognize that we have so much more in common than what separates us. That none of us — none of us has to fail for all of us to succeed. And that in unity, there is strength. You know, our opponents in this race are out there every day denigrating America, talking about how terrible everything is. Well, my mother had another lesson she used to teach: Never let anyone tell you who you are. You show them who you are. America, let us show each other and the world who we are and what we stand for: Freedom, opportunity, compassion, dignity, fairness and endless possibilities. We are the heirs to the greatest democracy in the history of the world. And on behalf of our children and our grandchildren and all those who sacrificed so dearly for our freedom and liberty, we must be worthy of this moment. It is now our turn to do what generations before us have done, guided by optimism and faith, to fight for this country we love, to fight for the ideals we cherish and to uphold the awesome responsibility that comes with the greatest privilege on Earth: the privilege and pride of being an American. So let’s get out there, let’s fight for it. Let’s get out there, let’s vote for it, and together, let us write the next great chapter in the most extraordinary story ever told. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. Thank you. Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/23/us/politics/kamala-harris-speech-transcript.html

October 15, 1787 "The great source of all the evils which afflict Republics, is, that the People are too apt to make choice of Rulers, who are either Politicians without being Patriots, or Patriots without being Politicians." Mr. CHILDS, When I took notice of Cato's prefatory Address to the Citizens of the State of New York, in your paper of the first instant, I had no serious intention of becoming controversial defendant of the New Constitution. Indeed, if the system required defence, I was neither so weak, nor so vain, as to suppose myself competent to the task.-To obviate difficulties which may arise, when such weighty affairs as the principles of legislation are under discussion; I am sensible requires talents far beyond my limited abilities. When I offered a few remarks on Cato's introduction, I was strongly impressed with the idea, that even the most substantial criticisms, promulgated by the most influential and avowed Citizens, could have no good tendency at this time. I viewed the public mind as wound up to a great pitch of dissatisfaction, by the inadequacy of the powers of the present Congress, to the general good and conservation of the Union-I believed then, as I do now, that the people were determined and prepared for a change: I conceived, therefore, that the wish of every good man would be, that this change might be peaceably effected. With this view, I opposed myself to Cato. I asserted, in my last, that the door of recommendation was shut, and cannot be opened by the same men, that the Convention was dissolved. If I am wrong, it will be of great importance to Cato's future remarks, that he make it appear. If he will declare, from sufficient authority, that the Members of the late Convention have only adjourned, to give time to hear the sentiments of every political disputant, that, after the numerous presses of America have groaned with the heavy productions speculative politicians, they will again meet-weigh their respective merits, and accommodate accordingly:-I say, if Cato can do this, I make no hesitation in acknowledging the utility of his plan. In the mean time, I positively deny having any, the most distant desire of shutting the door of free discussion, on any subject, which may benefit the people; but I maintain (until Cato's better information refutes me) that the door, as far as relates to this subject, is already shut-not by me, but by the highest possible authority which the case admits-even by those great Patriots who were delegated by the people of the United States, to open such a door, as might enable them to escape from impending calamities, and political shipwreck. This distinction is clear, I conceive, and ought to have some weight even with Cato, as well as those for whom he writes.-I am not one of those who gain an influence by cajoling the unthinking mass (tho' I pity their delusions) and ringing in their ears the gracious sound of their absolute Sovereignty. I despise the trick of such dirty policy. I know there are Citizens, who, to gain their own private ends, enflame the minds of the well meaning, tho' less intelligent parts of the community, by sating their vanity with that cordial and unfailing specific, that all power is seated in the People. For my part, I am not much attached to the Majesty of the multitude, and therefore wave all pretentions (founded on such conduct) to their countenance. I consider them in general as very ill qualified to judge for themselves what government will best suit their peculiar situations; nor is this to be wondered at-The science of Government is not easily understood.- Cato will admit, I presume, that men of good education and deep reflection, only, are judges of the form of a Government; whether it is calculated to promote the happiness of society; whether it is constituted on such principles as will restrain arbitrary power, on the one hand, and equal to the exclusion corruption, and the destruction of licentiousness, on the other. Whether the New Constitution, if adopted, will prove adequate to such desirable ends, time, the mother of events must shew. For my own part, I sincerely esteem it a system, which, without the finger of God, never could have been suggested and agreed upon by such a diversity of interests. I will not presume to say, that a more perfect system might not have been fabricated;-but who expects perfection at once?-And it may be asked, who are judges of it? Few, I believe, who have leisure to study the nature of Government scientifically, but.will frequently disagree about the quantum of power to be delegated to Rulers, and the different modifications of it. Ingenious men will give very plau[si]ble, and, it maybe, pretty substantial reasons, for the adoption of two plans of Government, which shall be fundamentally different in their construction, and not less so in their operation;-yet both, if honestly administered, might operate with safety and advantage. When a new form of Government is fabricated, it lies with the people at large to receive or reject it;-this is their inherent right. Now, I would ask, (without intending to triumph over the weaknesses or follies of any men) how are the people to profit by this inherent right? By what conduct do they discover, that they are sensible of their own interest in this situation? Is it by the exercise of a well disciplined reason, and a correspondent education? I believe not. How then? As I humbly conceive, by a tractable and docile disposition, and by honest men endeavoring to keep their minds easy; while others, of the same disposition, with the advantages of genius and learning, are constructing the bark that may, by the blessing of Heaven, carry them to the port of rest and happiness; if they will embark without diffidence, and proceed without mutiny. I know this is blunt and ungracious reasoning: it is the best, however, which I am prepared to offer on this momentous business; and, since my own heart does not reproach me, I shall not be very solicitous about its reception. If truth, then, is permitted to speak, the mass of the people of America (anymore than the mass of other countries) cannot judge with any degree of precision, concerning the fitness of this New Constitution to the peculiar situation of America;-they have, however, done wisely in delegating the power of framing a Government to those every way worthy and well qualified; and, if this Government is snatched, untasted, from them, it may not be amiss to enquire into the causes which will probably occasion their disappointment. Out of several, which present to my mind, I shall venture to select One, baneful enough, in my opinion, to work this dreadful evil There are always men in society of some talents, but more ambition, inquest of that which it would be impossible for them to obtain in any other way than by working on the passions and prejudices of the less discerning classes of citizens and yeomanry.-It is the plan of men of this stamp to frighten the people with ideal bugbears, in order to mould them to their own purposes. The unceasing cry of these designing croakers is, my friends, your liberty is invaded! Have you thrown off the yoke of one tyrant, to invest yourselves with that of another! Have you fought, bled, and conquered, for such a change! If you have-go- retire into silent obscurity, and kiss the rod that scourges you. To be serious: These state empirics leave no species of deceit untried to convince the unthinking people that they have power to do-what? Why truly to do much mischief, and to occasion anarchy and wild uproar. And for what reason do these political jugglers incite the peaceably disposed to such extravagant commotions? Because until the people really discover that they have power, by some outrageous act, they never can become of any importance. The misguided people never reflect during this frenzy, that the moment they become riotous, they renounce, from that moment, their independence, and commence vassals to their ambitious leaders, who instantly, and with a high hand, rob them of their consequence, and apply it to their own present, or future aggrandisement; nor will these tyrants over the people stick at sacrificing their good, if an advantageous compromise can be affected for themselves. Before I conclude, I cannot refrain from observing, that Cato states very disingenuously the manner in which the Federal System came abroad. He tells us, Congress were sensible that the late Convention exercised a power which no authority could delegate to them. The Convention, says Cato, have taken upon them to make a perfectly new system, which, by its operation, will absorb the sovereignties of the individual States; this new government founded on usurpation, (Cato, this expression is very indecent-but I will rouse no passions against you) this consolidated system Congress did not approve, and therefore have been silent on its character. That Congress was silent on its character is true, but, could Cato find no other reason for their silence than that of disapprobation.-I believe Congress were by no means dissatisfied with the freedom the Convention took with the Articles of the Confederation; I believe further, that with very few exceptions, that honorable body approved of the New Constitution; and, that they did not accompany it to the States with a recommendatory capitation or circular letter, proceeded from a delicate attention to the Members of the late Convention, to a few of their own body, and to the people of America at large. That the Convention went so earnestly into the business committed to their care, ought, instead of being matter of chagrin, to occasion the liveliest expressions approbation and gratitude.-As matters stand just now, I think it may be fairly said, that no generous plan of government for the United States has ever been constructed, (the plan only excepted which is under consideration) so that it seems quite unnecessary in Cato to disturb the peace of society by a bombast appeal to their feelings, on the generous plan of power delivered down by their renowned forefathers. I venerate the memory of the slaughtered patriots of America, and rejoice as much as Cato, that they did not bleed in vain, but I would have America profit by their death in a different manner from him. I believe they fought to obtain liberty for no particular State, but for the whole Union, indissolubly connected under one controling and supreme head. Cato complains of my anticipating parts of his subject which he intended for future periods. I shall break in no more upon his arrangements; all he can say against the New Constitution has been already disseminated in a neighbouring State, by the glorious defenders of Shayism. I shall therefore leave Cato to the wicked influences of his own heart, in the fullest persuasion that all good men, and good citizens, will combine their influence to establish the fair fabrick of American liberty, beyond the reach of suspicion, violence, anarchy, and tyranny. When this glorious work is accomplished, what may America not hope to arrive at! I will venture to prophecy that the day on which the Union under the new government shall be ratified by the American States, that that day will begin an era which will be recorded and observed by future ages, as a day which the Americans had marked by their wisdom in circumscribing the power, and ascertaining the decline of the ancient nations in Christendom. Source: https://www.consource.org/document/caesar-ii-1789-6-21/20130122082819/

Biden Drops Out of Race

Eisenhower’s Ninth Annual Message January 12, 1961 To the Congress of the United States: Once again it is my Constitutional duty to assess the state of the Union. On each such previous occasion during these past eight years I have outlined a forward course designed to achieve our mutual objective--a better America in a world of peace. This time my function is different. The American people, in free election, have selected new leadership which soon will be entrusted with the management of our government. A new President shortly will lay before you his proposals to shape the future of our great land. To him, every citizen, whatever his political beliefs, prayerfully extends best wishes for good health and for wisdom and success in coping with the problems that confront our Nation. For my part, I should like, first, to express to you of the Congress, my appreciation of your devotion to the common good and your friendship over these difficult years. I will carry with me pleasant memories of this association in endeavors profoundly significant to all our people. We have been through a lengthy period in which the control over the executive and legislative branches of government has been divided between our two great political parties. Differences, of course, we have had, particularly in domestic affairs. But in a united determination to keep this Nation strong and free and to utilize our vast resources for the advancement of all mankind, we have carried America to unprecedented heights. For this cooperative achievement I thank the American people and those in the Congress of both parties who have supported programs in the interest of our country. I should also like to give special thanks for the devoted service of my associates in the Executive Branch and the hundreds of thousands of career employees who have implemented our diverse government programs. My second purpose is to review briefly the record of these past eight years in the hope that, out of the sum of these experiences, lessons will emerge that are useful to our Nation. Supporting this review are detailed reports from the several agencies and departments, all of which are now or will shortly be available to the Congress. Throughout the world the years since 1953 have been a period of profound change. The human problems in the world grow more acute hour by hour; yet new gains in science and technology continually extend the promise of a better life. People yearn to be free, to govern themselves; yet a third of the people of the world have no freedom, do not govern themselves. The world recognizes the catastrophic nature of nuclear war; yet it sees the wondrous potential of nuclear peace. During the period, the United States has forged ahead under a constructive foreign policy. The continuing goal is peace, liberty, and well-being--for others as well as ourselves. The aspirations of all peoples are one--peace with justice in freedom. Peace can only be attained collectively as peoples everywhere unite in their determination that liberty and well-being come to all mankind. Yet while we have worked to advance national aspirations for freedom, a divisive force has been at work to divert that aspiration into dangerous channels. The Communist movement throughout the world exploits the natural striving of all to be free and attempts to subjugate men rather than free them. These activities have caused and are continuing to cause grave troubles in the world. Here at home these have been times for careful adjustment of our economy from the artificial impetus of a hot war to constructive growth in a precarious peace. While building a new economic vitality without inflation, we have also increased public expenditures to keep abreast of the needs of a growing population and its attendant new problems, as well as our added international responsibilities. We have worked toward these ends in a context of shared responsibility--conscious of the need for maximum scope to private effort and for State and local, as well as Federal, governmental action. Success in designing and executing national purposes, domestically and abroad, can only come from a steadfast resolution that integrity in the operation of government and in our relations with each other be fully maintained. Only in this way could our spiritual goals be fully advanced. FOREIGN POLICY On January 20, 1953, when I took office, the United States was at war. Since the signing of the Korean Armistice in 1953, Americans have lived in peace in highly troubled times. During the 1956 Suez crisis, the United States government strongly supported United Nations' action--resulting in the ending of the hostilities in Egypt. Again in 1958, peace was preserved in the Middle East despite new discord. Our government responded to the request of the friendly Lebanese Government for military help, and promptly withdrew American forces as soon as the situation was stabilized. In 1958 our support of the Republic of China during the all-out bombardment of Quemoy restrained the Communist Chinese from attempting to invade the off-shore islands. Although, unhappily, Communist penetration of Cuba is real and poses a serious threat, Communist dominated regimes have been deposed in Guatemala and Iran. The occupation of Austria has ended and the Trieste question has been settled. Despite constant threats to its integrity, West Berlin has remained free. Important advances have been made in building mutual security arrangements--which lie at the heart of our hopes for future peace and security in the world. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization has been established; the NATO alliance has been militarily strengthened; the Organization of American States has been further developed as an instrument of inter-American cooperation; the Anzus treaty has strengthened ties with Australia and New Zealand, and a mutual security treaty with Japan has been signed. In addition, the CENTO pact has been concluded, and while we are not officially a member of this alliance we have participated closely in its deliberations. The "Atoms for Peace" proposal to the United Nations led to the creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Our policy has been to push for enforceable programs of inspection against surprise attack, suspension of nuclear testing, arms reduction, and peaceful use of outer space. The United Nations has been vigorously supported in all of its actions, including the condemnations of the wholesale murder of the people of Tibet by the Chinese Communists and the brutal Soviet repression of the people of Hungary, as well as the more recent UN actions in the Congo. The United States took the initiative in negotiating the significant treaty to guarantee the peaceful use of vast Antarctica. The United States Information Agency has been transformed into a greatly improved medium for explaining our policies and actions to audiences overseas, answering the lies of communist propaganda, and projecting a clearer image of American life and culture. Cultural, technological and educational exchanges with the Soviet Union have been encouraged, and a comprehensive agreement was made which authorized, among other things, the distribution of our Russian language magazine Amerika and the highly successful American Exhibition in Moscow. This country has continued to withhold recognition of Communist China and to oppose vigorously the admission of this belligerent and unrepentant nation into the United Nations. Red China has yet to demonstrate that it deserves to be considered a "peace-loving" nation. With communist imperialism held in check, constructive actions were undertaken to strengthen the economies of free world nations. The United States government has given sturdy support to the economic and technical assistance activities of the UN. This country stimulated a doubling of the capital of the World Bank and a 50 percent capital increase in the International Monetary Fund. The Development Loan Fund and the International Development Association were established. The United States also took the lead in creating the Inter-American Development Bank. Vice President Nixon, Secretaries of State Dulles and Herter and I travelled extensively through the world for the purpose of strengthening the cause of peace, freedom, and international understanding. So rewarding were these visits that their very success became a significant factor in causing the Soviet Union to wreck the planned Summit Conference of 1960. These vital programs must go on. New tactics will have to be developed, of course, to meet new situations, but the underlying principles should be constant. Our great moral and material commitments to collective security, deterrence of force, international law, negotiations that lead to self-enforcing agreements, and the economic interdependence of free nations should remain the cornerstone of a foreign policy that will ultimately bring permanent peace with justice in freedom to all mankind. The continuing need of all free nations today is for each to recognize clearly the essentiality of an unbreakable bond among themselves based upon a complete dedication to the principles of collective security, effective cooperation and peace with justice. NATIONAL DEFENSE For the first time in our nation's history we have consistently maintained in peacetime, military forces of a magnitude sufficient to deter and if need be to destroy predatory forces in the world. Tremendous advances in strategic weapons systems have been made in the past eight years. Not until 1953 were expenditures on long-range ballistic missile programs even as much as a million dollars a year; today we spend ten times as much each day on these programs as was spent in all of 1952. No guided ballistic missiles were operational at the beginning of 1953. Today many types give our armed forces unprecedented effectiveness. The explosive power of our weapons systems for all purposes is almost inconceivable. Today the United States has operational ATLAS missiles which can strike a target 5000 miles away in a half-hour. The POLARIS weapons system became operational last fall and the TITAN is scheduled to become so this year. Next year, more than a year ahead of schedule, a vastly improved ICBM, the solid propellant MINUTEMAN, is expected to be ready. Squadrons of accurate Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles are now operational. The THOR and JUPITER IRBMs based in forward areas can hit targets 1500 miles away in 18 minutes. Aircraft which fly at speeds faster than sound were still in a developmental stage eight years ago. Today American fighting planes go twice the speed of sound. And either our B-58 Medium Range Jet Bomber or our B-52 Long Range Jet Bomber can carry more explosive power than was used by all combatants in World War II--Allies and Axis combined. Eight years ago we had no nuclear-powered ships. Today 49 nuclear warships have been authorized. Of these, 14 have been commissioned, including three of the revolutionary POLARIS submarines. Our nuclear submarines have cruised under the North Pole and circumnavigated the earth while submerged. Sea warfare has been revolutionized, and the United States is far and away the leader. Our tactical air units overseas and our aircraft carriers are alert; Army units, guarding the frontiers of freedom in Europe and the Far East, are in the highest state of readiness in peacetime history; our Marines, a third of whom are deployed in the Far East, are constantly prepared for action; our Reserve establishment has maintained high standards of proficiency, and the Ready Reserve now numbers over 2 ½ million citizen-soldiers. The Department of Defense, a young and still evolving organization, has twice been improved and the line of command has been shortened in order to meet the demands of modern warfare. These major reorganizations have provided a more effective structure for unified planning and direction of the vast defense establishment. Gradual improvements in its structure and procedures are to be expected. United States civil defense and nonmilitary defense capacity has been greatly strengthened and these activities have been consolidated in one Federal agency. The defense forces of our Allies now number five million men, several thousand combatant ships, and over 25,000 aircraft. Programs to strengthen these allies have been consistently supported by the Administration. U.S. military assistance goes almost exclusively to friendly nations on the rim of the communist world. This American contribution to nations who have the will to defend their freedom, but insufficient means, should be vigorously continued. Combined with our Allies, the free world now has a far stronger shield than we could provide alone. Since 1953, our defense policy has been based on the assumption that the international situation would require heavy defense expenditures for an indefinite period to come, probably for years. In this protracted struggle, good management dictates that we resist overspending as resolutely as we oppose under-spending. Every dollar uselessly spent on military mechanisms decreases our total strength and, therefore, our security. We must not return to the "crash-program" psychology of the past when each new feint by the Communists was responded to in panic. The "bomber gap" of several years ago was always a fiction, and the "missile gap" shows every sign of being the same. The nation can ill afford to abandon a national policy which provides for a fully adequate and steady level of effort, designed for the long pull; a fast adjustment to new scientific and technological advances; a balanced force of such strength as to deter general war, to effectively meet local situations and to retaliate to attack and destroy the attacker; and a strengthened system of free world collective security. THE ECONOMY The expanding American economy passed the half-trillion dollar mark in gross national product early in 1960. The Nation's output of goods and services is now nearly 25 percent higher than in 1952. In 1959, the average American family had an income of $6,520, 15 percent higher in dollars of constant buying power than in 1952, and the real wages of American factory workers have risen 20 percent during the past eight years. These facts reflect the rising standard of individual and family well-being enjoyed by Americans. Our Nation benefits also from a remarkable improvement in general industrial peace through strengthened processes of free collective bargaining. Time lost since 1952 because of strikes has been half that lost in the eight years prior to that date. Legislation now requires that union members have the opportunity for full participation in the affairs of their unions. The Administration supported the Landrum-Griffin Act, which I believe is greatly helpful to the vast bulk of American Labor and its leaders, and also is a major step in getting racketeers and gangsters out of labor-management affairs. The economic security of working men and women has been strengthened by an extension of unemployment insurance coverage to 2.5 million ex-servicemen, 2.4 million Federal employees, and 1.2 million employees of small businesses, and by a strengthening of the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act. States have been encouraged to improve their unemployment compensation benefits, so that today average weekly benefits are 40 percent higher than in 1953. Determined efforts have improved workers' safety standards. Enforceable safety standards have been established for longshoremen and ship repair workers; Federal Safety Councils have been increased from 14 to over 100; safety awards have been initiated, and a national construction safety program has been developed. A major factor in strengthening our competitive enterprise system, and promoting economic growth, has been the vigorous enforcement of antitrust laws over the last eight years and a continuing effort to reduce artificial restraints on competition and trade and enhance our economic liberties. This purpose was also significantly advanced in 1953 when, as one of the first acts of this Administration, restrictive wage and price controls were ended. An additional measure to strengthen the American system of competitive enterprise was the creation of the Small Business Administration in 1953 to assist existing small businesses and encourage new ones. This agency has approved over $1 billion in loans, initiated a new program to provide long-term capital for small businesses, aided in setting aside $3½ billion in government contracts for award to small business concerns, and brought to the attention of individual businessmen, through programs of information and education, new developments in management and production techniques. Since 1952, important tax revisions have been made to encourage small businesses. Many major improvements in the Nation's transportation system have been made: --After long years of debate, the dream of a great St. Lawrence Seaway, opening the heartland of America to ocean commerce, has been fulfilled. --The new Federal Aviation Agency is fostering greater safety in air travel. --The largest public construction program in history--the 41,000 mile national system of Interstate and Defense highways--has been pushed rapidly forward. Twenty-five percent of this system is now open to traffic. Efforts to help every American build a better life have included also a vigorous program for expanding our trade with other nations. A 4-year renewal of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act was passed in 1958, and a continuing and rewarding effort has been made to persuade other countries to remove restrictions against our exports. A new export expansion program was launched in 1960, inaugurating improvement of export credit insurance and broadening research and information programs to awaken Americans to business opportunities overseas. These actions and generally prosperous conditions abroad have helped push America's export trade to a level of $20 billion in 1960. Although intermittent declines in economic activity persist as a problem in our enterprise system, recent downturns have been moderate and of short duration. There is, however, little room for complacency. Currently our economy is operating at high levels, but unemployment rates are higher than any of us would like, and chronic pockets of high unemployment persist. Clearly, continued sound and broadly shared economic growth remains a major national objective toward which we must strive through joint private and public efforts. If government continues to work to assure every American the fullest opportunity to develop and utilize his ability and talent, it will be performing one of its most vital functions, that of advancing the welfare and protecting the dignity, rights, and freedom of all Americans. GOVERNMENT FINANCE AND ADMINISTRATION In January 1953, the consumer's dollar was worth only 52 cents in terms of the food, clothing, shelter and other items it would buy compared to 1939. Today, the inflationary spiral which had raised the cost of living by 36 percent between 1946 and 1952 has all but ceased and the value of the dollar virtually stabilized. In 1954 we had the largest tax cut in history, amounting to $7.4 billion annually, of which over 62 percent went to individuals mostly in the small income brackets. This Administration has directed constant efforts toward fiscal responsibility. Balanced budgets have been sought when the economy was advancing, and a rigorous evaluation of spending programs has been maintained at all times. Resort to deficit financing in prosperous times could easily erode international confidence in the dollar and contribute to inflation at home. In this belief, I shall submit a balanced budget for fiscal 1962 to the Congress next week. There has been a firm policy of reducing government competition with private enterprise. This has resulted in the discontinuance of some 2,000 commercial industrial installations and in addition the curtailment of approximately 550 industrial installations operated directly by government agencies. Also an aggressive surplus disposal program has been carried on to Identify and dispose of unneeded government-owned real property. This has resulted in the addition of a substantial number of valuable properties to local tax rolls, and a significant monetary return to the government. Earnest and persistent attempts have been made to strengthen the position of State and local governments and thereby to stop the dangerous drift toward centralization of governmental power in Washington. Significant strides have been made in increasing the effectiveness of government. Important new agencies have been established, such as the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, the Federal Aviation Agency, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The Council of Economic Advisers was reconstituted. The operation of our postal system has been modernized to get better and more efficient service. Modernized handling of local mail now brings next-day delivery to 168 million people in our population centers, expanded carrier service now accommodates 9.3 million families in the growing suburbs, and 1.4 million families have been added to the rural delivery service. Common sense dictates that the Postal Service should be on a self-financing basis. The concept of a trained and dedicated government career service has been strengthened by the provision of life and health insurance benefits, a vastly improved retirement system, a new merit promotion program, and the first effective incentive awards program. With no sacrifice in efficiency, Federal civilian employment since 1953 has been reduced by over a quarter of a million persons. I am deeply gratified that it was under the urging of this Administration that Alaska and Hawaii became our 49th and 50th States. AGRICULTURE Despite the difficulties of administering Congressional programs which apply outmoded prescriptions and which aggravate rather than solve problems, the past eight years brought notable advances in agriculture. Total agricultural assets are approximately $200 billion--up $36 billion in eight years. Farm owner equities are at the near record high of $174 billion. Farm ownership is at a record high with fewer farmers in a tenant and sharecropper status than at any time in our nation's history. The "Food-for-Peace" program has demonstrated how surplus of American food and fiber can be effectively used to feed and clothe the needy abroad. Aided by this humanitarian program, total agricultural exports have grown from $2.8 billion in 1953 to an average of about $4 billion annually for the past three years. For 1960, exports are estimated at $4.5 billion, the highest volume on record. Under the Food-for-Peace program, the largest wheat transaction in history was consummated with India in 1960. The problems of low-income farm families received systematic attention for the first time in the Rural Development Program. This program has gone forward in 39 States, yielding higher incomes and a better living for rural people most in need. The Rural Electrification Administration has helped meet the growing demand for power and telephones in agricultural areas. Ninety-seven percent of all farms now have central station electric power. Dependence upon Federal financing should no longer be necessary. The Farm Credit Administration has been made an independent agency more responsive to the farmer's needs. The search for new uses for our farm abundance and to develop new crops for current needs has made major progress. Agricultural research appropriations have increased by 171 percent since 1953. Farmers are being saved approximately $80 million a year by the repeal in 1956 of Federal taxes on gasoline used in tractors and other machinery. Since 1953, appropriations have been doubled for county agents, home agents and the Extension Service. Eligibility for Social Security benefits has been extended to farmers and their families. Yet in certain aspects our agricultural surplus situation is increasingly grave. For example, our wheat stocks now total 1.3 billion bushels. If we did not harvest one bushel of wheat in this coming year, we would still have all we could eat, all we could sell abroad, all we could give away, and still have a substantial carryover. Extraordinary costs are involved just in management and disposal of this burdensome surplus. Obviously important adjustments must still come. Congress must enact additional legislation to permit wheat and other farm commodities to move into regular marketing channels in an orderly manner and at the same time afford the needed price protection to the farmer. Only then will agriculture again be free, sound, and profitable. NATURAL RESOURCES New emphasis has been placed on the care of our national parks. A ten year development program of our National Park System--Mission 66--was initiated and 633,000 acres of park land have been added since 1953. Appropriations for fish and wildlife operations have more than doubled. Thirty-five new refuges, containing 11,342,000 acres, have been added to the national wildlife management system. Our Nation's forests have been improved at the most rapid rate in history. The largest sustained effort in water resources development in our history has taken place. In the field of reclamation alone, over 50 new projects, or project units, have been authorized since 1953--including the billion dollar Colorado River Storage Project. When all these projects have been completed they will have a storage capacity of nearly 43 million acre-feet--an increase of 50 percent over the Bureau of Reclamation's storage capacity in mid-1953. In addition, since 1953 over 450 new navigation flood control and multiple purpose projects of the Corps of Engineers have been started, costing nearly 6 billion dollars. Soil and water conservation has been advanced as never before. One hundred forty-one projects are now being constructed under the Watershed Protection Program. Hydroelectric power has been impressively developed through a policy which recognizes that the job to be done requires comprehensive development by Federal, State, and local governments and private enterprise. Teamwork is essential to achieve this objective. The Federal Columbia River power system has grown from two multipurpose dams with a 2.6 million kilowatt capacity to 17 multipurpose projects completed or under construction with an ultimate installed capacity of 8.1 million kilowatts. After years of negotiation, a Columbia River Storage Development agreement with Canada now opens the way for early realization of unparalleled power, flood control and resource conservation benefits for the Pacific Northwest. A treaty implementing this agreement will shortly be submitted to the Senate. A farsighted and highly successful program for meeting urgent water needs is being carded out by converting salt water to fresh water. A 75 percent reduction in the cost of this process has already been realized. Continuous resource development is essential for our expanding economy. We must continue vigorous, combined Federal, State and private programs, at the same time preserving to the maximum extent possible our natural and scenic heritage for future generations. EDUCATION, SCIENCE, AND TECHNOLOGY The National Defense Education Act of 1958 is already a milestone in the history of American education. It provides broad opportunities for the intellectual development of all children by strengthening courses of study in science, mathematics, and foreign languages, by developing new graduate programs to train additional teachers, and by providing loans for young people who need financial help to go to college. The Administration proposed on numerous occasions a broad new five-year program of Federal aid to help overcome the classroom shortage in public elementary and secondary schools. Recommendations were also made to give assistance to colleges and universities for the construction of academic and residential buildings to meet future enrollment increases. This Administration greatly expanded Federal loans for building dormitories for students, teachers, and nurses training, a program assisting in the construction of approximately 200,000 living accommodations during the past 8 years. There has been a vigorous acceleration of health, resource and education programs designed to advance the role of the American Indian in our society. Last fall, for example, 91 percent of the Indian children between the ages of 6 and 18 on reservations were enrolled in school. This is a rise of 12 percent since 1953. In the field of science and technology, startling strides have been made by the new National Aeronautics and Space Administration. In little more than two years, NASA has successfully launched meteorological satellites, such as Tiros I and Tiros II, that promise to revolutionize methods of weather forecasting; demonstrated the feasibility of satellites for global communications by the successful launching of Echo I; produced an enormous amount of valuable scientific data, such as the discovery of the Van Allen Radiation Belt; successfully launched deep-space probes that maintained communication over the greatest range man has ever tracked; and made real progress toward the goal of manned space flights. These achievements unquestionably make us preeminent today in space exploration for the betterment of mankind. I believe the present organizational arrangements in this area, with the revisions proposed last year, are completely adequate for the tasks ahead. Americans can look forward to new achievements in space exploration. The near future will hold such wonders as the orbital flight of an astronaut, the landing of instruments on the moon, the launching of the powerful giant Saturn rocket vehicles, and the reconnaissance of Mars and Venus by unmanned vehicles. The application of atomic energy to industry, agriculture, and medicine has progressed from hope and experiment to reality. American industry and agriculture are making increasing use of radioisotopes to improve manufacturing, testing, and crop-raising. Atomic energy has improved the ability of the healing professions to combat disease, and holds promise for an eventual increase in man's life span. Education, science, technology and balanced programs of every kind-these are the roadways to progress. With appropriate Federal support, the States and localities can assure opportunities for achieving excellence at all levels of the educational system; and with the Federal government continuing to give wholehearted support to basic scientific research and technology, we can expect to maintain our position of leadership in the world. CIVIL RIGHTS The first consequential Federal Civil Rights legislation in 85 years was enacted by Congress on recommendation of the Administration in 1957 and 1960. A new Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice has already moved to enforce constitutional rights in such areas as voting and the elimination of Jim Crow laws. Greater equality of job opportunity in Federal employment and employment with Federal contractors has been effectively provided through the President's Committees on Government Contracts and Government Employment Practices. The Civil Rights Commission has undertaken important surveys in the fields of housing, voting, and education. Segregation has been abolished in the Armed Forces, in Veterans' Hospitals, in all Federal employment, and throughout the District of Columbia--administratively accomplished progress in this field that is unmatched in America's recent history. This pioneering work in civil rights must go on. Not only because discrimination is morally wrong, but also because its impact is more than national--it is world-wide. HEALTH AND WELFARE Federal medical research expenditures have increased more than fourfold since 1954. A vast variety of the approaches known to medical science has been explored to find better methods of treatment and prevention of major diseases, particularly heart diseases, cancer, and mental illness. The control of air and water pollution has been greatly strengthened. Americans now have greater protection against harmful, unclean, or misrepresented foods, drugs, or cosmetics through a strengthened Food and Drug Administration and by new legislation which requires that food additives be proved safe for human consumption before use. A newly established Federal Radiation Council, along with the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, analyzes and coordinates information regarding radiological activities which affect the public health. Medical manpower has been increased by Federal grants for teaching and research. Construction of new medical facilities has been stepped up and extended to include nursing homes, diagnostic and treatment centers, and rehabilitation facilities. The vocational rehabilitation program has been significantly expanded. About 90,000 handicapped people are now being rehabilitated annually so they are again able to earn their own living with self-respect and dignity. New legislation provides for better medical care for the needy aged, including those older persons, who, while otherwise self-sufficient, need help in meeting their health care costs. The Administration recommended a major expansion of this effort. The coverage of the Social Security Act has been broadened since 1953 to make 11 million additional people eligible for retirement, disability or survivor benefits for themselves or their dependents, and the Social Security benefits have been substantially improved. Grants to the States for maternal and child welfare services have been increased. The States, aided by Federal grants, now assist some 6 million needy people through the programs of Old Age Assistance, Aid to Dependent Children, Aid to the Blind, and Aid to the Totally and Permanently Disabled. HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT More houses have been built during the past eight years--over nine million--than during any previous eight years in history. An historic new approach--Urban Renewal--now replaces piecemeal thrusts at slum pockets and urban blight. Communities engaged in urban renewal have doubled and renewal projects have more than tripled since 1953. An estimated 68 projects in 50 cities will be completed by the end of the current fiscal year; another 577 projects will be underway, and planning for 310 more will be in process. A total of $2 billion in Federal grants will ultimately be required to finance these 955 projects. New programs have been initiated to provide more and better housing for elderly people. Approximately 25,000 units especially designed for the elderly have been built, started, or approved in the past three years. For the first time, because of Federal help and .encouragement, 90 metropolitan areas and urban regions and 1140 smaller towns throughout the country are making comprehensive development plans for their future growth and development. American communities have been helped to plan water and sanitation systems and schools through planning advances for 1600 public works projects with a construction cost of nearly $2 billion. Mortgage insurance on individual homes has been greatly expanded. During the past eight years, the Federal Housing Administration alone insured over 2½ million home mortgages valued at $27 billion, and in addition, insured more than ten million property improvement loans. The Federal government must continue to provide leadership in order to make our cities and communities better places in which to live, work, and raise families, but without usurping rightful local authority, replacing individual responsibility, or stifling private initiative. IMMIGRATION Over 32,000 victims of Communist tyranny in Hungary were brought to our shores, and at this time our country is working to assist refugees from tyranny in Cuba. Since 1953, the waiting period for naturalization applicants has been reduced from 18 months to 45 days. The Administration also has made legislative recommendations to liberalize existing restrictions upon immigration while still safeguarding the national interest. It is imperative that our immigration policy be in the finest American tradition of providing a haven for oppressed peoples and fully in accord with our obligation as a leader of the free world. VETERANS In discharging the nation's obligation to our veterans, during the past eight years there have been: The readjustment of World War II veterans was completed, and the five million Korean conflict veterans were assisted in achieving successful readjustment to civilian life; Increases in compensation benefits for all eligible veterans with service connected disabilities; Higher non-service connected pension benefits for needy veterans; Greatly improved benefits to survivors of veterans dying in or as a result of service; Authorization, by Presidential directive, of an increase in the number of beds available for sick and disabled veterans; Development of a 12-year, $900 million construction program to modernize and improve our veterans hospitals; New modern techniques brought into the administration of Veterans Affairs to provide the highest quality service possible to those who have defended us. CONCLUSION In concluding my final message to the Congress, it is fitting to look back to my first--to the aims and ideals I set forth on February 2, 1953: To use America's influence in world affairs to advance the cause of peace and justice, to conduct the affairs of the Executive Branch with integrity and efficiency, to encourage creative initiative in our economy, and to work toward the attainment of the well-being and equality of opportunity of all citizens. Equally, we have honored our commitment to pursue and attain specific objectives. Among them, as stated eight years ago: strengthening of the mutual security program; development of world trade and commerce; ending of hostilities in Korea; creation of a powerful deterrent force; practicing fiscal responsibility; checking the menace of inflation; reducing the tax burden; providing an effective internal security program; developing and conserving our natural resources; reducing governmental interference in the affairs of the farmer; strengthening and improving services by the Department of Labor, and the vigilant guarding of civil and social fights. I do not close this message implying that all is well--that all problems are solved. For progress implies both new and continuing problems and, unlike Presidential administrations, problems rarely have terminal dates. Abroad, there is the continuing Communist threat to the freedom of Berlin, an explosive situation in Laos, the problems caused by Communist penetration of Cuba, as well as the many problems connected with the development of the new nations in Africa. These areas, in particular, call for delicate handling and constant review. At home, several conspicuous problems remain: promoting higher levels of employment, with special emphasis on areas in which heavy unemployment has persisted; continuing to provide for steady economic growth and preserving a sound currency; bringing our balance of payments into more reasonable equilibrium and continuing a high level of confidence in our national and international systems; eliminating heavily excessive surpluses of a few farm commodities; and overcoming deficiencies in our health and educational programs. Our goal always has been to add to the spiritual, moral, and material strength of our nation. I believe we have done this. But it is a process that must never end. Let us pray that leaders of both the near and distant future will be able to keep the nation strong and at peace, that they will advance the well-being of all our people, that they will lead us on to still higher moral standards, and that, in achieving these goals, they will maintain a reasonable balance between private and governmental responsibility. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Source: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/annual-message-the-congress-the-state-the-union-7

Ford’s Third Annual Message January 12, 1977 Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 95th Congress, and distinguished guests: In accordance with the Constitution, I come before you once again to report on the state of the Union. This report will be my last--maybe--[laughter]--but for the Union it is only the first of such reports in our third century of independence, the close of which none of us will ever see. We can be confident, however, that 100 years from now a freely elected President will come before a freely elected Congress chosen to renew our great Republic's pledge to the Government of the people, by the people, and for the people. For my part I pray the third century we are beginning will bring to all Americans, our children and their children's children, a greater measure of individual equality, opportunity, and justice, a greater abundance of spiritual and material blessings, and a higher quality of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The state of the Union is a measurement of the many elements of which it is composed--a political union of diverse States, an economic union of varying interests, an intellectual union of common convictions, and a moral union of immutable ideals. Taken in sum, I can report that the state of the Union is good. There is room for improvement, as always, but today we have a more perfect Union than when my stewardship began. As a people we discovered that our Bicentennial was much more than a celebration of the past; it became a joyous reaffirmation of all that it means to be Americans, a confirmation before all the world of the vitality and durability of our free institutions. I am proud to have been privileged to preside over the affairs of our Federal Government during these eventful years when we proved, as I said in my first words upon assuming office, that "our Constitution works; our great Republic is a Government of laws and not of men. Here the people rule." The people have spoken; they have chosen a new President and a new Congress to work their will. I congratulate you--particularly the new Members--as sincerely as I did President-elect Carter. In a few days it will be his duty to outline for you his priorities and legislative recommendations. Tonight I will not infringe on that responsibility, but rather wish him the very best in all that is good for our country. During the period of my own service in this Capitol and in the White House, I can recall many orderly transitions of governmental responsibility--of problems as well as of position, of burdens as well as of power. The genius of the American system is that we do this so naturally and so normally. There are no soldiers marching in the street except in the Inaugural Parade; no public demonstrations except for some of the dancers at the Inaugural Ball; the opposition party doesn't go underground, but goes on functioning vigorously in the Congress and in the country; and our vigilant press goes right on probing and publishing our faults and our follies, confirming the wisdom of the framers of the first amendment. Because of the transfer of authority in our form of government affects the state of the Union and of the world, I am happy to report to you that the current transition is proceeding very well. I was determined that it should; I wanted the new President to get off on an easier start than I had. When I became President on August 9, 1974, our Nation was deeply divided and tormented. In rapid succession the Vice President and the President had resigned in disgrace. We were still struggling with the after-effects of a long, unpopular, and bloody war in Southeast Asia. The economy was unstable and racing toward the worst recession in 40 years. People were losing jobs. The cost of living was soaring. The Congress and the Chief Executive were at loggerheads. The integrity of our constitutional process and other institutions was being questioned. For more than 15 years domestic spending had soared as Federal programs multiplied, and the expense escalated annually. During the same period our national security needs were steadily shortchanged. In the grave situation which prevailed in August 1974, our will to maintain our international leadership was in doubt. I asked for your prayers and went to work. In January 1975 I reported to the Congress that the state of the Union was not good. I proposed urgent action to improve the economy and to achieve energy independence in 10 years. I reassured America's allies and sought to reduce the danger of confrontation with potential adversaries. I pledged a new direction for America. 1975 was a year of difficult decisions, but Americans responded with realism, common sense, and self-discipline. By January 1976 we were headed in a new direction, which I hold to be the right direction for a free society. It was guided by the belief that successful problem-solving requires more than Federal action alone, that it involves a full partnership among all branches and all levels of government and public policies which nurture and promote the creative energies of private enterprises, institutions, and individual citizens. A year ago I reported that the state of the Union was better--in many ways a lot better--but still not good enough. Common sense told me to stick to the steady course we were on, to continue to restrain the inflationary growth of government, to reduce taxes as well as spending, to return local decisions to local officials, to provide for long-range sufficiency in energy and national security needs. I resisted the immense pressures of an election year to open the floodgates of Federal money and the temptation to promise more than I could deliver. I told it as it was to the American people and demonstrated to the world that in our spirited political competition, as in this chamber, Americans can disagree without being disagreeable. Now, after 30 months as your President, I can say that while we still have a way to go, I am proud of the long way we have come together. I am proud of the part I have had in rebuilding confidence in the Presidency, confidence in our free system, and confidence in our future. Once again, Americans believe in themselves, in their leaders, and in the promise that tomorrow holds for their children. I am proud that today America is at peace. None of our sons are fighting and dying in battle anywhere in the world. And the chance for peace among all nations is improved by our determination to honor our vital commitments in defense of peace and freedom. I am proud that the United States has strong defenses, strong alliances, and a sound and courageous foreign policy. Our alliances with major partners, the great industrial democracies of Western Europe, Japan, and Canada, have never been more solid. Consultations on mutual security, defense, and East-West relations have grown closer. Collaboration has branched out into new' fields such as energy, economic policy, and relations with the Third World. We have used many avenues for cooperation, including summit meetings held among major allied countries. The friendship of the democracies is deeper, warmer, and more effective than at any time in 30 years. We are maintaining stability in the strategic nuclear balance and pushing back the specter of nuclear war. A decisive step forward was taken in the Vladivostok Accord which I negotiated with General Secretary Brezhnev-joint recognition that an equal ceiling should be placed on the number of strategic weapons on each side. With resolve and wisdom on the part of both nations, a good agreement is well within reach this year. The framework for peace in the Middle East has been built. Hopes for future progress in the Middle East were stirred by the historic agreements we reached and the trust and confidence that we formed. Thanks to American leadership, the prospects for peace in the Middle East are brighter than they have been in three decades. The Arab states and Israel continue to look to us to lead them from confrontation and war to a new era of accommodation and peace. We have no alternative but to persevere, and I am sure we will. The opportunities for a final settlement are great, and the price of failure is a return to the bloodshed and hatred that for too long have brought tragedy to all of the peoples of this area and repeatedly edged the world to the brink of war. Our relationship with the People's Republic of China is proving its importance and its durability. We are finding more and more common ground between our two countries on basic questions of international affairs. In my two trips to Asia as President, we have reaffirmed America's continuing vital interest in the peace and security of Asia and the Pacific Basin, established a new partnership with Japan, confirmed our dedication to the security of Korea, and reinforced our ties with the free nations of Southeast Asia. An historic dialog has begun between industrial nations and developing nations. Most proposals on the table are the initiatives of the United States, including those on food, energy, technology, trade, investment, and commodities. We are well launched on this process of shaping positive and reliable economic relations between rich nations and poor nations over the long term. We have made progress in trade negotiations and avoided protectionism during recession. We strengthened the international monetary system. During the past 2 years the free world's most important economic powers have already brought about important changes that serve both developed and developing economies. The momentum already achieved must be nurtured and strengthened, for the prosperity of the rich and poor depends upon it. In Latin America, our relations have taken on a new maturity and a sense of common enterprise. In Africa the quest for peace, racial justice, and economic progress is at a crucial point. The United States, in close cooperation with the United Kingdom, is actively engaged in this historic process. Will change come about by warfare and chaos and foreign intervention? Or will it come about by negotiated and fair solutions, ensuring majority rule, minority rights, and economic advance? America is committed to the side of peace and justice and to the principle that Africa should shape its own future, free of outside intervention. American leadership has helped to stimulate new international efforts to stem the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to shape a comprehensive treaty governing the use of oceans. I am gratified by these accomplishments. They constitute a record of broad success for America and for the peace and prosperity of all mankind. This administration leaves to its successor a world in better condition than we found. We leave, as well, a solid foundation for progress on a range of issues that are vital to the well-being of America. What has been achieved in the field of foreign affairs and what can be accomplished by the new administration demonstrate the genius of Americans working together for the common good. It is this, our remarkable ability to work together, that has made us a unique nation. It is Congress, the President, and the people striving for a better world. I know all patriotic Americans want this Nation's foreign policy to succeed. I urge members of my party in this Congress to give the new President loyal support in this area. I express the hope that this new Congress will reexamine its constitutional role in international affairs. The exclusive right to declare war, the duty to advise and consent on the part of the Senate, the power of the purse on the part of the House are ample authority for the legislative branch and should be jealously guarded. But because we may have been too careless of these powers in the past does not justify congressional intrusion into, or obstruction of, the proper exercise of Presidential responsibilities now or in the future. There can be only one Commander in Chief. In these times crises cannot be managed and wars cannot be waged by committee, nor can peace be pursued solely by parliamentary debate. To the ears of the world, the President speaks for the Nation. While he is, of course, ultimately accountable to the Congress, the courts, and the people, he and his emissaries must not be handicapped in advance in their relations with foreign governments as has sometimes happened in the past. At home I am encouraged by the Nation's recovery from the recession and our steady return to sound economic growth. It is now continuing after the recent period of uncertainty, which is part of the price we pay for free elections. Our most pressing need today and the future is more jobs--productive, permanent jobs created by a thriving economy. We must revise our tax system both to ease the burden of heavy taxation and to encourage the investment necessary for the creation of productive jobs for all Americans who want to work. Earlier this month I proposed a permanent income tax reduction of $10 billion below current levels, including raising the personal exemption from $750 to $1,000. I also recommended a series of measures to stimulate investment, such as accelerated depreciation for new plants and equipment in areas of high unemployment, a reduction in the corporate tax rate from 48 to 46 percent, and eliminating the present double taxation of dividends. I strongly urge the Congress to pass these measures to help create the productive, permanent jobs in the private economy that are so essential for our future. All the basic trends are good; we are not on the brink of another recession or economic disaster. If we follow prudent policies that encourage productive investment and discourage destructive inflation, we will come out on top, and I am sure we will. We have successfully cut inflation by more than half. When I took office, the Consumer Price Index was rising at 12.2 percent a year. During 1976 the rate of inflation was 5 percent. We have created more jobs--over 4 million more jobs today than in the spring of 1975. Throughout this Nation today we have over 88 million people in useful, productive jobs--more than at any other time in our Nation's history. But there are still too many Americans unemployed. This is the greatest regret that I have as I leave office. We brought about with the Congress, after much delay, the renewal of the general revenue sharing. We expanded community development and Federal manpower programs. We began a significant urban mass transit program. Federal programs today provide more funds for our States and local governments than ever before--$70 billion for the current fiscal year. Through these programs and others that provide aid directly to individuals, we have kept faith with our tradition of compassionate help for those who need it. As we begin our third century we can be proud of the progress that we have made in meeting human needs for all of our citizens. We have cut the growth of crime by nearly 90 percent. Two years ago crime was increasing at the rate of 18 percent annually. In the first three quarters of 1976, that growth rate had been cut to 2 percent. But crime, and the fear of crime, remains one of the most serious problems facing our citizens. We have had some successes, and there have been some disappointments. Bluntly, I must remind you that we have not made satisfactory progress toward achieving energy independence. Energy is absolutely vital to the defense of our country, to the strength of our economy, and to the quality of our lives. Two years ago I proposed to the Congress the first comprehensive national energy program--a specific and coordinated set of measures that would end our vulnerability to embargo, blockade, or arbitrary price increases and would mobilize U.S. technology and resources to supply a significant share of the free world's energy after 1985. Of the major energy proposals I submitted 2 years ago, only half, belatedly, became law. In 1973 we were dependent upon foreign oil imports for 36 percent of our needs. Today, we are 40-percent dependent, and we'll pay out $34 billion for foreign oil this year. Such vulnerability at present or in the future is intolerable and must be ended. The answer to where we stand on our national energy effort today reminds me of the old argument about whether the tank is half full or half empty. The pessimist will say we have half failed to achieve our 10-year energy goals; the optimist will say that we have half succeeded. I am always an optimist, but we must make up for lost time. We have laid a solid foundation for completing the enormous task which confronts us. I have signed into law five major energy bills which contain significant measures for conservation, resource development, stockpiling, and standby authorities. We have moved forward to develop the naval petroleum reserves; to build a 500-million barrel strategic petroleum stockpile; to phase out unnecessary Government allocation and price controls; to develop a lasting relationship with other oil consuming nations; to improve the efficiency of energy use through conservation in automobiles, buildings, and industry; and to expand research on new technology and renewable resources such as wind power, geothermal and solar energy. All these actions, significant as they are for the long term, are only the beginning. I recently submitted to the Congress my proposals to reorganize the Federal energy structure and the hard choices which remain if we are serious about reducing our dependence upon foreign energy. These include programs to reverse our declining production of natural gas and increase incentives for domestic crude oil production. I proposed to minimize environmental uncertainties affecting coal development, expand nuclear power generation, and create an energy independence authority to provide government financial assistance for vital energy programs where private capital is not available. We must explore every reasonable prospect for meeting our energy needs when our current domestic reserves of oil and natural gas begin to dwindle in the next decade. I urgently ask Congress and the new administration to move quickly on these issues. This Nation has the resources and the capability to achieve our energy goals if its Government has the will to proceed, and I think We do. I have been disappointed by inability to complete many of the meaningful organizational reforms which I contemplated for the Federal Government, although a start has been made. For example, the Federal judicial system has long served as a modal for other courts. But today it is threatened by a shortage of qualified Federal judges and an explosion of litigation claiming Federal jurisdiction. I commend to the new administration and the Congress the recent report and recommendations of the Department of Justice, undertaken at my request, on "the needs of the Federal Courts." I especially endorse its proposals for a new commission on the judicial appointment process. While the judicial branch of our Government may require reinforcement, the budgets and payrolls of the other branches remain staggering. I cannot help but observe that while the White House staff and the Executive Office of the President have been reduced and the total number of civilians in the executive branch contained during the 1970's, the legislative branch has increased substantially although the membership of the Congress remains at 535. Congress now costs the taxpayers more than a million dollars per Member; the whole legislative budget has passed the billion dollar mark. [ set out to reduce the growth in the size and spending of the Federal Government, but no President can accomplish this alone. The Congress sidetracked most of my requests for authority to consolidate overlapping programs and agencies, to return more decisionmaking and responsibility to State and local governments through block grants instead of rigid categorical programs, and to eliminate unnecessary red tape and outrageously complex regulations. We have made some progress in cutting back the expansion of government and its intrusion into individual lives, but believe me, there is much more to be done--and you and I know it. It can only be done by tough and temporarily painful surgery by a Congress as prepared as the President to face up to this very real political problem. Again, I wish my successor, working with a substantial majority of his own party, the best of success in reforming the costly and cumbersome machinery of the Federal Government. The task of self-government is never finished. The problems are great; the opportunities are greater. America's first goal is and always will be peace with honor. America must remain first in keeping peace in the world. We can remain first in peace only if we are never second in defense. In presenting the state of the Union to the Congress and to the American people, I have a special obligation as Commander in Chief to report on our national defense. Our survival as a free and independent people requires, above all, strong military forces that are well equipped and highly trained to perform their assigned mission. I am particularly gratified to report that over the past 2½ years, we have been able to reverse the dangerous decline of the previous decade in real resources this country was devoting to national defense. This was an immediate problem I faced in 1974. The evidence was unmistakable that the Soviet Union had been steadily increasing the resources it applied to building its military strength. During this same period the United States real defense spending declined. In my three budgets we not only arrested that dangerous decline, but we have established the positive trend which is essential to our ability to contribute to peace and stability in the world. The Vietnam war, both materially and psychologically, affected our overall defense posture. The dangerous anti-military sentiment discouraged defense spending and unfairly disparaged the men and women who serve in our Armed Forces. The challenge that now confronts this country is whether we have the national will and determination to continue this essential defense effort over the long term, as it must be continued. We can no longer afford to oscillate from year to year in so vital a matter; indeed, we have a duty to look beyond the immediate question of budgets and to examine the nature of the problem we will face over the next generation. I am the first recent President able to address long-term, basic issues without the burden of Vietnam. The war in Indochina consumed enormous resources at the very time that the overwhelming strategic superiority we once enjoyed was disappearing. In past years, as a result of decisions by the United States, our strategic forces leveled off, yet the Soviet Union continued a steady, constant buildup of its own forces, committing a high percentage of its national economic effort to defense. The United States can never tolerate a shift in strategic balance against us or even a situation where the American people or our allies believe the balance is shifting against us. The United States would risk the most serious political consequences if the world came to believe that our adversaries have a decisive margin of superiority. To maintain a strategic balance we must look ahead to the 1980's and beyond. The sophistication of modern weapons requires that we make decisions now if we are to ensure our security 10 years from now. Therefore, I have consistently advocated and strongly urged that we pursue three critical strategic programs: the Trident missile launching submarine; the B-1 bomber, with its superior capability to penetrate modern air defenses; and a more advanced intercontinental ballistic missile that will be better able to survive nuclear attack and deliver a devastating retaliatory strike. In an era where the strategic nuclear forces are in rough equilibrium, the risks of conflict below the nuclear threshold may grow more perilous. A major, long-term objective, therefore, is to maintain capabilities to deal with, and thereby deter, conventional challenges and crises, particularly in Europe. We cannot rely solely on strategic forces to guarantee our security or to deter all types of aggression. We must have superior naval and marine forces to maintain freedom of the seas, strong multipurpose tactical air forces, and mobile, modern ground forces. Accordingly, I have directed a long-term effort to improve our worldwide capabilities to deal with regional crises. I have submitted a 5-year naval building program indispensable to the Nation's maritime strategy. Because the security of Europe and the integrity of NATO remain the cornerstone of American defense policy, I have initiated a special, long-term program to ensure the capacity of the Alliance to deter or defeat aggression in Europe. As I leave office I can report that our national defense is effectively deterring conflict today. Our Armed Forces are capable of carrying out the variety of missions assigned to them. Programs are underway which will assure we can deter war in the years ahead. But I also must warn that it will require a sustained effort over a period of years to maintain these capabilities. We must have the wisdom, the stamina, and the courage to prepare today for the perils of tomorrow, and I believe we will. As I look to the future--and I assure you I intend to go on doing that for a good many years--I can say with confidence that the state of the Union is good, but we must go on making it better and better. This gathering symbolizes the constitutional foundation which makes continued progress possible, synchronizing the skills of three independent branches of Government, reserving fundamental sovereignty to the people of this great land. It is only as the temporary representatives and servants of the people that we meet here, we bring no hereditary status or gift of infallibility, and none follows us from this place. Like President Washington, like the more fortunate of his successors, I look forward to the status of private citizen with gladness and gratitude. To me, being a citizen of the United States of America is the greatest honor and privilege in this world. From the opportunities which fate and my fellow citizens have given me, as a Member of the House, as Vice President and President of the Senate, and as President of all the people, I have come to understand and place the highest value on the checks and balances which our founders imposed on government through the separation of powers among co-equal legislative, executive, and judicial branches. This often results in difficulty and delay, as I well know, but it also places supreme authority under God, beyond any one person, any one branch, any majority great or small, or any one party. The Constitution is the bedrock of all our freedoms. Guard and cherish it, keep honor and order in your own house, and the Republic will endure. It is not easy to end these remarks. In this Chamber, along with some of you, I have experienced many, many of the highlights of my life. It was here that I stood 28 years ago with my freshman colleagues, as Speaker Sam Rayburn administered the oath. I see some of you now--Charlie Bennett, Dick Bolling, Carl Perkins, Pete Rodino, Harley Staggers, Tom Steed, Sid Yates, Clem Zablocki-and I remember those who have gone to their rest. It was here we waged many, many a lively battle--won some, lost some, but always remaining friends. It was here, surrounded by such friends, that the distinguished Chief Justice swore me in as Vice President on December 6, 1973. It was here I returned 8 months later as your President to ask not for a honeymoon, but for a good marriage. I will always treasure those memories and your many, many kindnesses. I thank you for them all. My fellow Americans, I once asked you for your prayers, and now I give you mine: May God guide this wonderful country, its people, and those they have chosen to lead them. May our third century be illuminated by liberty and blessed with brotherhood, so that we and all who come after us may be the humble servants of thy peace. Amen. Good night. God bless you. Source: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/address-before-joint-session-the-congress-reporting-the-state-the-union-0

April 11, 1962 Good afternoon. I have several announcements to make. Simultaneous and identical actions of United States Steel and other leading steel corporations, increasing steel prices by some 6 dollars a ton, constitute a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest. In this serious hour in our nation's history, when we are confronted with grave crises in Berlin and Southeast Asia, when we are devoting our energies to economic recovery and stability, when we are asking Reservists to leave their homes and families for months on end, and servicemen to risk their lives -- and four were killed in the last two days in Viet Nam -- and asking union members to hold down their wage requests, at a time when restraint and sacrifice are being asked of every citizen, the American people will find it hard, as I do, to accept a situation in which a tiny handful of steel executives whose pursuit of private power and profit exceeds their sense of public responsibility can show such utter contempt for the interests of 185 million Americans. If this rise in the cost of steel is imitated by the rest of the industry, instead of rescinded, it would increase the cost of homes, autos, appliances, and most other items for every American family. It would increase the cost of machinery and tools to every American businessman and farmer. It would seriously handicap our efforts to prevent an inflationary spiral from eating up the pensions of our older citizens, and our new gains in purchasing power. It would add, Secretary McNamara informed me this morning, an estimated one billion dollars to the cost of our defenses, at a time when every dollar is needed for national security and other purposes. It would make it more difficult for American goods to compete in foreign markets, more difficult to withstand competition from foreign imports, and thus more difficult to improve our balance of payments position, and stem the flow of gold. And it is necessary to stem it for our national security, if we are going to pay for our security commitments abroad. And it would surely handicap our efforts to induce other industries and unions to adopt responsible price and wage policies. The facts of the matter are that there is no justification for an increase in the steel prices. The recent settlement between the industry and the union, which does not even take place until July 1st, was widely acknowledged to be non-inflationary, and the whole purpose and effect of this Administration's role, which both parties understood, was to achieve an agreement which would make unnecessary any increase in prices. Steel output per man is rising so fast that labor costs per ton of steel can actually be expected to decline in the next twelve months. And in fact, the Acting Commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics informed me this morning that, and I quote: "Employment costs per unit of steel output in 1961 were essentially the same as they were in 1958. " The cost of major raw materials, steel scrap and coal, has also been declining, and for an industry which has been generally operating at less than two-thirds of capacity, its profit rate has been normal and can be expected to rise sharply this year in view of the reduction in idle capacity. Their lot has been easier than that of a hundred thousand steel workers thrown out of work in the last three years. The industry's cash dividends have exceeded 600 million dollars in each of the last five years, and earnings in the first quarter of this year were estimated in the February 28th Wall Street Journal to be among the highest in history. In short, at a time when they could be exploring how more efficiency and better prices could be obtained, reducing prices in this industry in recognition of lower costs, their unusually good labor contract, their foreign competition and their increase in production and profits which are coming this year, a few gigantic corporations have decided to increase prices in ruthless disregard of their public responsibilities. The Steel Workers Union can be proud that it abided by its responsibilities in this agreement, and this government also has responsibilities, which we intend to meet. The Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission are examining the significance of this action in a free, competitive economy. The Department of Defense and other agencies are reviewing its impact on their policies of procurement, and I am informed that steps are underway by those Members of the Congress who plan appropriate inquiries into how these price decisions are so quickly made, and reached, and what legislative safeguards may be needed to protect the public interest. Price and wage decisions in this country, except for very limited restrictions in the case of monopolies and national emergency strikes, are and ought to be freely and privately made, but the American people have a right to expect in return for that freedom, a higher sense of business responsibility for the welfare of their country than has been shown in the last two days. Some time ago I asked each American to consider what he would do for his country and I asked the steel companies. In the last 24 hours we had their answer. QUESTION: Mr. President, -- THE PRESIDENT: Just one -- I have one other statement here. Mr. Hatcher is going to release a statement in regard to the release of the Guards. Let me say in summary that Secretary McNamara and I have carefully reviewed our progress in achieving permanent increases in our military strength. We have concluded that the rate of progress of this effort is such that if there is no serious deterioration in the international situation between now and August, we shall be able in that month to release all those who were called involuntarily. Our continuing strength after this release will be much increased over what it was a year ago. Just as an example, the number of our combat-ready Army Divisions in active service after the release will be 16, as against 11 a year ago. The release is not the result of any marked change in the international situation, which continues to have many dangers and tensions. It is the result, rather, of our successful buildup of permanent instead of emergency strength. The units we release will remain available, in a new and heightened state of combat readiness, if a new crisis should arise, requiring their further service. I know that I speak for all of our countrymen in expressing our appreciation to all those who served, under the adverse conditions of living in camps and being taken away from their families. And their service, and the willingness of the great, great majority of all of them to do this uncomplainingly, I think, should be an inspiration to every American. And lastly, last Saturday I issued an Executive Order creating a Board of Inquiry to inquire into the issues involved in the current labor dispute in the West Coast maritime industry. The Board of Inquiry filed its written report with me today. In its unanimous report, the Board stated, quote: "The current strike, if continued, will affect approximately 130 cargo and passenger ships, including those which constitute the principal mode of transportation of passengers and vital cargo to and from the State of Hawaii." Other reports I have received clearly manifest that a continuation of this strike imperils the national health and safety. I have therefore instructed the Attorney General to seek an injunction against this strike, under the national emergency provisions of the Labor-Management Relation Act of 1947. While an injunction will restore the West Coast maritime industry to full operation, and return the striking members to work for 80 days, it should not, and I hope will not, interfere in any way with efforts towards full settlement. I call upon the parties to make that effort, to achieve that settlement quickly. However, the public interest does not permit further delay in applying for an injunction. Consequently, I have made the decision to direct the Attorney General to apply for an appropriate order. QUESTION: Mr. President, the unusually strong language which you used in discussing the steel situation would indicate that you might be considering some pretty strong action. Are you thinking in terms of requesting or reviving the need for wage-price controls? THE PRESIDENT: I think that my statement states what the situation is today. This is a free country. In all the conversations which were held by members of this Administration and myself with the leaders of the steel union and the companies, it was always very obvious that they could proceed with freedom to do what they thought was best within the limitations of law. But I did very clearly emphasize on every occasion that my only interest was that in trying to secure an agreement which would not provide an increase in prices, because I thought that price stability in steel would have the most far-reaching consequences for industrial and economic stability and for our position abroad, and price instability would have the most far-reaching consequences in making our lot much more difficult. When the agreement was signed, and the agreement was a moderate one, and within the range of productivity increases, as I have said -- actually, there will be reduction in cost per unit during the next year. I thought, I was hopeful, we had achieved our goal. Now the actions that will be taken will be -- are being now considered by the Administration. The Department of Justice is, particularly in view of the very speedy action in other companies who have entirely different economic problems facing them than did United States Steel, the speed with which they moved, it seems to me to require an examination of our present laws, and whether they are being obeyed, by the Federal Trade Commission, particularly to the Department of Justice. And I am very interested in the prospective investigations that will be conducted in the House and Senate, and whether we shall need additional legislation, which I would come to very reluctantly. But I must say the last 24 hours indicates that those with great power are not always concerned about the national interest. QUESTION: In your conversation with Mr. Blough yesterday, did you make a direct request that this price increase be either deferred or rescinded? THE PRESIDENT: I was informed about the price increase after the announcement had gone out to the papers. I told Mr. Blough of my very keen disappointment and what I thought would be the most unfortunate effects of it. And of course we were hopeful that other companies who I have said, have a different situation in regard to profits and all of the rest than U.S. Steel. They all have somewhat different economic situations. I was hopeful particularly in view of the statement in the paper by the President of Bethlehem in which he stated -- though now he says he is misquoted -- that there should be no price increase, and we are investigating that statement. I was hopeful that the others would not follow the example, and therefore the pressures of the competitive market place would bring United States Steel back to their original prices. But the parade began. But it came to me after the decision was made. There was no prior consultation or information given to the Administration. QUESTION: Mr. President, now that General Clay is coming home from Berlin, don't you think that service wives have borne the brunt of our gold shortage long enough, and should be permitted to join their soldier husbands in Europe? After all, you could almost say that service couples have had to bear a "cross cost of gold" alone, and in a very lonely way. Spring is here, and everyone knows that the GIs can get into much less trouble and do their jobs better if their wives and kids are with them. THE PRESIDENT: I agree, and we are very sympathetic, and we are trying to make an analysis of how important this saving is to our general problem. As I said, it costs us three billion dollars to maintain our forces and bases overseas. That money must be earned by a surplus of exports over imports. I have asked Secretary McNamara to try to reduce that in the next 12 to 18 months by a billion, one hundred million, in order to try to bring this gold flow into balance, and that means taking a third out of the Defense Department without reducing its strength. So that's why these women are bearing hardships and these families, and that is why I contrast it with such unhappiness to the last 24 hours, because the fact of the matter is if we are not able to compete, if this results in a larger increase of imports from foreign markets, and therefore lowers our dollar advantages, then those wives are going to have to stay home. QUESTION: Mr. President, when the Strategic Air Command had a false alarm for a few moments last fall, were you notified, and if not, do you think you should have been, and have you made arrangements to be, if there are any cases in the future ? THE PRESIDENT: That story, in my opinion, was overstated. There was a breach in the communications between the base at Thule and our Continental Command. As you know, we are on a 15 minute alert. This lasted for a few seconds. General Power alerted those forces which are on a standby basis. There are constant drills. It was not that we were, as I saw in some papers, really those in Europe, a few seconds from war, because the fact of the matter is it would have taken many, many -- several hours before they could have taken off, and begun to fly, and we were always in control. So that I thought General Power took the right action before anything was done which would in any way have threatened the security of the United States. Of course, the communications would have become immediate, but there is always this problem of being on the alert. QUESTION: Mr. President, if I could get back to steel for a minute, you mentioned an investigation into the suddenness of the decision to increase prices. Did you -- is it the position of the Administration that it believed it had the assurance of the steel industry at the time of the recent labor agreement that it would not increase prices? Is that a breach of their -- THE PRESIDENT: We did not ask either side to give us any assurance, because there is a very proper limitation to the power of the government in this free economy. All we did in our meetings was to emphasize how important it was that there be price stability, and we stressed that our whole purpose in attempting to persuade the union to begin to bargain early and to make an agreement which would not affect prices, of course was for the purpose of maintaining price stability. That was the thread that ran through every discussion which I had, or Secretary Goldberg had. We never at any time asked for a commitment in regard to the terms, precise terms of the agreement, from either Mr. McDonald or Mr. Blough representing the steel company, because in our opinion that would be passing over the line of propriety. But I don't think that there was any question that our great interest in attempting to secure the kind of settlement that was finally secured was to maintain price stability, which we regard as very essential at this particular time. That agreement provided for price stability -- up till yesterday. QUESTION: Mr. President, could you interpret for us the significance of General Clay's return? Does it mean that the Administration now believes that the Berlin crisis is negotiable? THE PRESIDENT: No, no. When he came with us, as you know, he was the responsible officer on the Continental Can Company, and he said he would take leave of absence till January. And then in January we asked him to stay further, but he has said for several months now that he really felt that his obligation was to return. He has recommended very highly the responsible Americans who are there. When he comes back tomorrow I am going to ask him, and I am sure he will respond, to continue to act as consultant to me on the matter of Berlin, to make periodic visits and to be available to return there at any time that we should conclude that his presence would be valuable. So that we have -- I noticed that Mayor Brandt said that General Clay might be more helpful to the cause here than he would be even there, and I think that what the Mayor meant was that his experience there and his work in the last seven months would be very valuable to the Administration. So his service continues and the problem in Berlin continues. QUESTION: Mr. President, in your statement on the steel industry, sir, you mentioned a number of instances which would indicate that the cost of living will go up for many people if this price increase were to remain effective. In your opinion, does that give the steel workers the right to try to obtain some kind of a wage increase to catch up? THE PRESIDENT: No, rather interestingly, the last contract was signed on Saturday with Great Lakes, so that the steel union is bound for a year, and of course I am sure would have felt like going much further if the matter had worked out as we had all hoped. But they have made their agreement and I am sure they are going to stick with it, but it does not provide for the sort of action you have suggested. QUESTION: Still on steel, Senator Gore advocated today legislation to regulate steel prices somewhat in the manner that public utility prices are regulated, and his argument seemed to be that the steel industry had sacrificed some of the privileges of the free market because it wasn't really setting its prices on a supply and demand, but what he called "administered prices." Your statement earlier, and your remarks since, indicate a general agreement with that kind of approach. Is that correct? THE PRESIDENT: No, Mr. Morgan. No, I don't think that I have stated that. I would have to look and see what Senator Gore has suggested. I am not familiar with it. What I said was that we should examine what can be done to try to minimize the impact on the public interest of these decisions, although we had, of course, always hoped that those involved would recognize that. I would say that what must disturb Senator Gore and Congressman Celler and others -- Senator Kefauver, will be the suddenness by which every company in the last few hours, one by one as the morning went by, came in with their almost, if not identical, almost identical price increases, which isn't really the way we expect the competitive private enterprise system to always work. QUESTION: Mr. President, would you clarify, please, the United States position in the New Guinea dispute between The Netherlands and Indonesia? Recently there have been reports of displeasure from The Netherlands that proposals put forward by the United States were not fair to The Netherlands. THE PRESIDENT: Well, I agree. I think everybody is displeased, really, with our role, because our role is an attempt -- Ambassador Bunker's role has been, under the direction of U Thant, to try to see if we can bring some adjustment to prevent a military action which would be harmful to the interests of both countries with which we desire to be friendly, so I suppose it is hard to think of any proposal that we could make which would be welcome on both sides. I am hopeful that if we can be useful, we will continue to try to be. If both sides feel that we cannot be, then perhaps others can take on this assignment, or perhaps it can be done bilaterally. But Ambassador Bunker is a diplomat of long experience and great skill, and our only interest is to see if we can have a peaceful solution which we think is in the long-range interests of the Free World -- of our Allies -- with whom we are allied, the Dutch, and the Indonesians, whom we would like to see stay free. So that the role of the mediator is not a happy one, and we are prepared to have everybody mad if it makes some progress. QUESTION: Mr. President, in connection with the steel situation again, is there not action that could be taken by the Executive Branch in connection with direct procurement of steel under the Administration of the Agency for International Aid -- I mean the Agency. For example I think the government buys about a million tons of steel. Now could not the government decide that only steel -- steel should be purchased only at the price, say, of yesterday, rather than today, and also in case --- THE PRESIDENT: That matter was considered, as a matter of fact, in a conversation between the Secretary of Defense and myself last evening, but at that time we were not aware that nearly the entire industry was about to come in, and therefore the amount of choice we have is somewhat limited. QUESTION: Sir, part two on this thing. In the case of identical bids which the government is sometimes confronted with, they decide to choose the smaller business unit rather than the larger. THE PRESIDENT: I am hopeful that there will be those who will not participate in this parade and will meet the principle of the private enterprise competitive system in which everyone tries to sell at the lowest price commensurate with their interests. And I am hopeful that there will be some who will decide that they shouldn't go in the wake of U.S. Steel. But we have to wait and see on that, because they are coming in very fast. QUESTION: Mr. President, two years ago after the settlement, I believe steel prices were not raised. THE PRESIDENT: That's right. QUESTION: Do you think there was an element of political discrimination in the behavior of the industry this year? THE PRESIDENT: I would not -- and if there was, it doesn't really -- if it was, if that was the purpose, that is comparatively unimportant to the damage that -- the country is the one that suffers. If they do it in order to spite me, it really isn't so important. QUESTION: Mr. President, to carry a previous question just one step further, as a result of the emphasis that you placed on holding the price line, did any word or impression come to you from the negotiations that there would be no price increase under the type of agreement that was signed? THE PRESIDENT: I will say that in our conversations we asked for no commitments in regard to the details of the agreement or in regard to any policies of the union or the company. Our central thrust was that price stability was necessary and that the way to do it was to have a responsible agreement, which we got. Now at no time did any one suggest that if such an agreement was gained that it would be still necessary to put up prices. That word did not come until last night. QUESTION: Mr. President, there has been a price increase in Cuba as well. Mr. Castro has increased the price that he has put on human life in the release or the tentative release of the prisoners captured in the abortive invasion attempt last year. Would you comment on this, please? THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think that all of us had hoped that the day when men were put on the block had long ago passed from this Hemisphere. And it has from every country until very recently in Cuba. I think Mr. Castro knows that the United States government can not engage in a negotiation like that, and he knows very well that the families cannot raise these millions of dollars. It's rather interesting -- so what he has done really in effect is sentence them to thirty years in prison -- it is rather interesting that Castro himself, when he engaged in an operation under a dictator whom he had been harshly critical of, that he was let out of prison, after an open trial, in fifteen months. He regards for his own countrymen, not the countrymen who from his point of view may have been wrong, but who fought in the open, and who took their chances, and who are young men -- he regards the appropriate treatment for them, and for thousands of other Cubans, to be this long prison sentence of thirty years which, in my opinion, is why Mr. Castro is increasingly isolated in the company of free men. QUESTION: Mr. President, the steel industry is one of a half dozen which has been expecting tax benefits this summer through revision of the depreciation schedules. Does this price hike affect the Administration's actions in this area? THE PRESIDENT: Well, it affects our budget. Secretary Dillon and I discussed it this morning. Of course, all this matter is being very carefully looked into now. QUESTION: The Presidents of Mexico and of Brazil announced the principle of adherence to non-intervention between the Communist and the capitalist blocs. Does this accord with what President Goulart told you when he was here in Washington? THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I haven't seen the joint statement, but I am sure it does. I think we are bound together through the Organization of American States. It's difficult to comment on a joint statement that I have not read, but I think that President Goulart says the same in Mexico as he does in Washington. QUESTION: Mr. President, General Lemnitzer has just recently conferred our Legion of Merit on a Japanese officer who apparently planned the Pearl Harbor attack. Can you think of any particular reason for this award? THE PRESIDENT: Yes. The reason that was given was that he had been a distinguished officer of the Japanese Air Force, that his relations with the United States had been extremely cooperative. He was acting as a military officer, and I thought that -- I think that these kinds of days of the war are over. I thought that it was appropriate. He's a distinguished flier, and while we all regret Pearl Harbor and everything else, but we are in a new era in our relations with Japan, fortunately. QUESTION: Mr. President? Sir, what are you going to do about American soldiers getting killed in Viet Nam? THE PRESIDENT: Well, I am as -- extremely concerned about American soldiers who are, in a great many areas, in hazard. We are attempting to help Viet Nam maintain its independence and not fall under the domination of the Communists. The government has stated that it needs our assistance in doing it. It is very -- and it presents a very hazardous operation. In the same sense that World War II, World War I, Korea, a good many thousands and hundreds of thousands of Americans died. So that these four sergeants are in that long roll. But we cannot desist in Viet Nam. And I think it is -- the fact that these men operated very far from home, very far indeed from Saigon, and great danger, and there are many others. The fact of their contributions, as well as the Wisconsin and Texas National Guard, it is in that setting that I look at the present actions. Source: https://www.jfklibrary.org/archives/other-resources/john-f-kennedy-press-conferences/news-conference-30

Constitution of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania September 2, 1790 WE, the People of the Commonwealth of PENNSYLVANIA, ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for its Government. ARTICLE I Of the legislative power. Section I. The legislative power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a General Assembly, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. Of the election of Representatives. Sect. II. The Representatives shall be chosen, annually, by the citizens of the city of Philadelphia, and of each county, respectively, on the second Tuesday of October. Of the qualification of Representatives. Sect. III. No person shall be a Representative, who shall not have attained the age of twenty-one years, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of the state three years next preceding his election, and the last year thereof an inhabitant of the city or county in which he shall be chosen; unless he shall have been absent on the public business of the United States, or of this state. No person, residing within any city, town or borough, which shall be entitled to a separate representation shall be elected a member for any county; nor shall any person, residing without the limits of any such city, town or borough, be elected a member therefor. Of the periods of enumeration and the ratio of representation. Sect. IV. Within three years after the first meeting of the General Assembly, and within every subsequent term of seven years, an enumeration of the taxable inhabitants shall be made, in such manner as shall be directed by law. The number of Representatives shall, at the several periods of making such enumeration, be fixed by the legislature, and apportioned among the city of Philadelphia and the several counties, according to the number of taxable inhabitants in each; and shall never be less than sixty, nor greater than one hundred. Each county shall have, at least, one Representative; but no county, hereafter erected, shall be entitled to separate representation, until a sufficient number of taxable inhabitants shall be contained within it, to entitle them to one Representative, agreeably to the ratio which shall then be established. Of the election of Senators. Sect. V. The Senators shall be chosen, for four years, by the citizens of Philadelphia, and of the several counties, at the same time, in the same manner, and at the same places, where they shall vote for Representatives. Of the ratio of representatives in the Senate. Sect. VI. The number of Senators shall, at the several periods of making the enumeration before mentioned, be fixed by the legislature, and apportioned among the districts, formed as hereinafter directed, according to the number of taxable inhabitants in each; and shall never be less than one fourth, nor greater than one third, of the number of Representatives. Of districts for electing Senators. Sect. VII. The Senators shall be chosen in districts, to be formed by the legislature, each district containing such a number of taxable inhabitants as shall be entitled to elect not more than four Senators: When a district shall be composed of two or more counties, they shall be adjoining. Neither the city of Philadelphia nor any county shall be divided, in forming a district. Of the qualification of Senators. Sect. VIII. No person shall be a Senator, who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of the state four years next before his election, and the last year thereof an inhabitant of the district for which he shall be chosen; unless he shall have been absent on the public business of the United States, or of this state. Of classing the Senators. Sect. IX. Immediately after the Senators shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, subsequent to the first enumeration, they shall be divided, by lot, as equally as may be, into four classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the first year, of the second class at the expiration of the second year, of the third class at the expiration of the third year, and of the fourth class at the expiration of the fourth year; so that one fourth may be chosen every year. Of the meeting of the General Assembly. Sect. X. The General Assembly shall meet on the first Tuesday of December in every year, unless sooner convened by the Governor. Of the officers of each House. Sect. XI. Each House shall choose its Speaker and other officers; and the Senate shall also choose a Speaker pro tempore, when the Speaker shall exercise the office of Governor. Of the powers of each House. Sect. XII. Each House shall judge of the qualifications of its members. Contested elections shall be determined by a committee, to be selected, formed, and regulated in such manner, as shall be directed by law. A majority of each House shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised, by law, to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as may be provided. Of censure and expulsion. Sect. XIII. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member; but not a second time for the same cause; and shall have all other powers necessary for a branch of the legislature of a free state. Of journals. Sect. XIV. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and publish them weekly, except such parts as may require secrecy: And the yeas and nays of the members on any question shall, at the desire of any two of them, be entered on the journals. The doors to be kept open. Sect. XV. The doors of each House, and of committees of the whole, shall be open, unless when the business shall be such as ought to be kept secret. Of adjournments. Sect. XVI. Neither House shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place, than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Of the compensation and privileges of members. Sect. XVII. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the commonwealth. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach or surety of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same: And for any speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. Of the disqualifications of members. Sect. XVIII. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he shall have been elected, be appointed to any civil office under this commonwealth, which shall have been created, or the emoluments of which shall have been encreased, during such time; and no member of Congress, or other person holding any office (except of attorney at law and in the militia), under the United States, or this commonwealth, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in Congress, or in office. Of vacancies. Sect. XIX. When vacancies happen in either House, the Speaker shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. Of revenue bills. Sect. XX. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose amendments, as in other bills. Of the treasury. Sect. XXI. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law. Of the proceedings upon bills. Sect. XXII. Every bill, which shall have passed both Houses, shall be presented to the Governor: If he approve, he shall sign it; but if he shall not approve, he shall return it, with his objections, to the House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large upon their journals, and proceed to re-consider it: If, after such re-consideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, with the objections, to the other House, by which likewise it shall be re-considered; and if approved by two thirds of that House it shall be a law. But in such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for or against the bill shall be entered on the journals of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the Governor within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, it shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the General Assembly, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in which case it shall be a law, unless sent back within three days after their next meeting. Orders, resolutions, and votes. Sect. XXIII. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of both Houses may be necessary (except on the question of adjournment) shall be presented to the Governor, and, before it shall take effect, be approved by him, or, being disapproved, shall be re-passed by two thirds of both Houses, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in case of a bill. ARTICLE II Of the executive power. Section I. The Supreme Executive power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a Governor. Of the election of the Governor. Sect. II. The Governor shall be chosen on the second Tuesday of October, by the citizens of the commonwealth, at the places where they shall respectively vote for Representatives. The returns of every election for Governor shall be sealed up, and transmitted to the seat of government, directed to the Speaker of the Senate, who shall open and publish them in the presence of the members of both Houses of the Legislature. The person having the highest number of votes shall be Governor. But if two or more shall be equal and highest in votes, one of them shall be chosen Governor by the joint vote of the members of both Houses. Contested elections shall be determined by a committee, to be selected from both Houses of the Legislature, and formed and regulated in such manner as shall be directed by law. Of his continuance in office. Sect. III. The Governor shall hold his office during three years from the third Tuesday of December next ensuing his election, and shall not be capable of holding it longer than nine in any term of twelve years. Of his qualifications. Sect. IV. He shall be, at least, thirty years of age, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of this State seven years next before his election; unless he shall have been absent on the public business of the United States, or this state. Of persons disqualified to be Governor. Sect. V. No member of Congress, or person holding any office under the United States, or this state, shall exercise the office of Governor. Of his compensation. Sect. VI. The Governor shall, at stated times, receive, for his services, a compensation, which shall be neither encreased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected. Of his military power. Sect. VII. He shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of this commonwealth, and of the militia; except when they shall be called into the actual service of the United States. Of his general powers and duties. Sect. VIII. He shall appoint all officers, whose offices are established by this Constitution, or shall be established by law, and whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for; but no person shall be appointed to an office within any county, who shall not have been a citizen and inhabitant therein one year next before his appointment, if the county shall have been so long erected; but if it shall not have been so long erected, then within the limits of the county or counties out of which it shall have been taken. No member of Congress from this state, nor any person holding or exercising any office of trust or profit under the United States, shall, at the same time, hold or exercise the office of Judge, Secretary, Treasurer, Prothonotary, Register of wills, Recorder of deeds, Sheriff, or any office in this state, to which a salary is by law annexed, or any other office, which future legislatures shall declare incompatible with offices or appointments under the United States. Of pardons, &c. Sect. IX. He shall have power to remit fines and forfeitures, and grant reprieves and pardons, except in cases of impeachment. Of obtaining information. Sect. X. He may require information, in writing, from the officers in the executive department, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices. Of giving information of the state of the commonwealth. Sect. XI. He shall, from time to time, give to the General Assembly information of the state of the commonwealth, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge expedient. Of convening and adjourning the legislature. Sect. XII. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the General Assembly; and in case of disagreement between the two Houses, with respect to the time of adjournment, adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper, not exceeding four months. Sect. XIII. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. In case of death, the Speaker of the Senate shall exercise his office. Of a contested election. Sect. XIV. In case of the death or resignation of the Governor, or of his removal from office, the Speaker of the Senate shall exercise the office of Governor, until another Governor shall be duly qualified. And if the trial of a contested election shall continue longer than until the third Tuesday in December next ensuing the election of a Governor, the Governor of the last year, or the Speaker of the Senate, who may be in the exercise of the executive authority, shall continue therein until the determination of such contested election, and until a Governor shall be qualified as aforesaid. Of the Secretary of the commonwealth. Sect. XV. A Secretary shall be appointed and commissioned during the Governor’s continuance in office, if he shall so long behave himself well: He shall keep a fair register of all the official acts and proceedings of the Governor, and shall, when required, lay the same, and all papers, minutes and vouchers, relative thereto, before either branch of the legislature, and shall perform such other duties as shall be enjoined him by law. ARTICLE III Of elections. Section I. In elections by the citizens, every freeman of the age of twenty-one years, having resided in the state two years next before the election, and within that time paid a state or county tax, which shall have been assessed at least six months before the election, shall enjoy the rights of an elector: Provided, that the sons of persons qualified as aforesaid, between the ages of twenty-one and twenty-two years, shall be entitled to vote, although they shall not have paid taxes. Sect. II. All elections shall be by ballot, except those by persons in their representative capacities, who shall vote viva voce. Sect. III. Electors shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach or surety of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance on elections, and in going and returning from them. ARTICLE IV Of impeachment. Section I. The House of Representatives shall have the sole power of impeaching. Sect. II. All impeachments shall be tried by the Senate. When sitting for that purpose, the Senators shall be upon oath or affirmation. No person shall be convicted, without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. Sect. III. The Governor, and all other civil officers, under this commonwealth, shall be liable to impeachment for any misdemeanor in office: But judgment, in such cases, shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honour, trust, or profit, under this commonwealth: The party, whether convicted or acquitted, shall nevertheless be liable to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. ARTICLE V Of the judicial power. Section I. The Judicial power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a Supreme Court, in Courts of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery, in a Court of Common Pleas, Orphan’s Court, Register’s Court, and a Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace for each county, in Justices of the Peace, and in such other Courts as the legislature may, from time to time, establish. Of the supreme court, its judges, Sect. II. The Judges of the Supreme Court and of the several Courts of Common Pleas shall hold their offices during good behaviour: But for any reasonable cause, which shall not be sufficient ground of impeachment, the Governor may remove any of them, on the address of two thirds of each branch of the legislature. The Judges of the Supreme Court and the Presidents of the several Courts of Common Pleas shall, at stated times, receive, for their services, an adequate compensation, to be fixed by law, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office; but they shall receive no fees or perquisites of office, nor hold any other office of profit under this commonwealth. and its jurisdiction. Sect. III. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court shall extend over the state, and the Judges thereof shall, by virtue of their offices, be Justices of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery in the several counties. Of courts of common pleas Section IV. Until it shall be otherwise directed by law, the several Courts of Common Pleas shall be established in the following manner. The Governor shall appoint, in each county, not fewer than three, nor more than four, Judges, who, during their continuance in office, shall reside in such county: The state shall be divided by law into circuits, none of which shall include more than six, nor fewer than three, counties: A President shall be appointed of the courts in each circuit, who, during his continuance in office, shall reside therein: The President and Judges, any two of whom shall be a quorum, shall compose the respective Courts of Common Pleas. and the jurisidction of its judges. Sect. V. The Judges of the Court of Common Pleas, in each county, shall, by virtue of their offices, be Justices of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery, for the trial of capital and other offenders therein: Any two of the said Judges, the President being one, shall be a quorum; but they shall not hold a court of Oyer and Terminer or Gaol Delivery in any county, when the Judges of the Supreme Court, or any of them, shall be sitting in the same county. The party accused, as well as the commonwealth, may, under such regulations as shall be prescribed by law, remove the indictment and proceedings, or a transcript thereof, into the Supreme Court. Of chancery powers vested in the courts. Sect. VI. The Supreme Court and the several Courts of Common Pleas shall, beside the powers heretofore usually exercised by them, have the power of a Court of Chancery, so far as relates to the perpetuating of testimony, the obtaining of evidence from places not within the state, and the care of the persons and estates of those who are non compotes mentis: And the legislature shall vest in the said courts such other powers to grant relief in equity, as shall be found necessary; and may, from time to time, enlarge or diminish those powers, or vest them in such other courts, as they shall judge proper for the due administration of justice. Of the quarter sessions, orphans court and Register’s court. Sect. VII. The Judges of the Court of Common Pleas of each county, any two of whom shall be a quorum, shall compose the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace and Orphans Court thereof; and the Register of Wills, together with the said Judges, or any two of them, shall compose the Register’s Court of each county. Of writs of certiorari. Sect. VIII. The Judges of the Courts of Common Pleas shall, within their respective counties, have the like powers with the Judges of the Supreme Court, to issue writs of Certiorari to the Justices of the Peace, and to cause their proceedings to be brought before them, and the like right and justice to be done. Further powers of the judges of the common pleas. Sect. IX. The President of the courts in each circuit, within such circuit, and the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas, within their respective counties, shall be Justices of the Peace, so far as relates to criminal matters. Of justices of the peace. Sect. X. The Governor shall appoint a competent number of Justices of the Peace, in such convenient districts, in each county, as are or shall be directed by law: They shall be commissioned during good behaviour; but may be removed on conviction of misbehaviour in office, or of any infamous crime, or on the address of both Houses of the Legislature. Of Registers and Recorders. Sect. XI. A Register’s office for the probate of wills and granting letters of administration, and an office for the recording of deeds, shall be kept in each county. Of the style of process, &c. Sect. XII. The style of all process shall be, “THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA”; all prosecutions shall be carried on in the name and by the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and conclude, “AGAINST THE PEACE AND DIGNITY OF THE SAME.” ARTICLE VI Of Sheriffs and Coroners. Section I. Sheriffs and Coroners shall, at the times and places of elections of Representatives, be chosen by the citizens of each county: Two persons shall be chosen for each office, one of whom for each respectively shall be appointed by the Governor. They shall hold their offices for three years, if they shall so long behave themselves well, and until a successor be duly qualified; but no person shall be twice chosen or appointed Sheriff in any term of six years. Vacancies, in either of the said offices, shall be filled by a new appointment, to be made by the Governor, to continue until the next general election, and until a successor shall be chosen and qualified as aforesaid. Of the militia. Sect. II. The freemen of this commonwealth shall be armed and disciplined for its defence. Those who conscientiously scruple to bear arms, shall not be compelled to do so; but shall pay an equivalent for personal service. The militia officers shall be appointed in such manner, and for such time, as shall be directed by law. Of the place of keeping public offices. Sect. III. Prothonotaries, Clerks of the Peace and Orphans’ Courts, Recorders of deeds, Registers of wills and Sheriffs, shall keep their offices in the county town of the county in which they respectively shall be officers, unless when the Governor shall, for special reasons, dispense therewith for any term, not exceeding five years after the county shall have been erected. Of commissions. Sect. IV. All commissions shall be in the name and by the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and be sealed with the State seal, and signed by the Governor. Of the appointment of the Treasurer, &c. Sect. V. The State Treasurer shall be appointed, annually, by the joint vote of the members of both Houses. All other officers in the treasury department, attornies at law, election officers, officers relating to taxes, to the poor and highways, constables, and other township officers, shall be appointed in such manner as is or shall be directed by law. ARTICLE VII Of public schools. Section I. The legislature shall, as soon as conveniently may be, provide, by law, for the establishment of schools throughout the state, in such manner that the poor may be taught gratis. Of literature, Sect. II. The arts and sciences shall be promoted in one or more seminaries of learning. and the rights of corporate bodies. Sect. III. The rights, privileges, immunities and estates of religious societies and corporate bodies shall remain, as if the constitution of this state had not been altered or amended. ARTICLE VIII Of the political test and oath of office. Members of the General Assembly, and all officers, executive and judicial, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to support the constitution of this commonwealth, and to perform the duties of their respective offices with fidelity. ARTICLE IX That the general, great, and essential principles of liberty and free Government may be recognized and unalterably established, WE DECLARE, Of the equality and rights of men. Section I. That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent and indefeasible rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property and reputation, and of pursuing their own happiness. Of the origin of power, and the end of government. Sect. II. That all power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded on their authority, and instituted for their peace, safety and happiness: For the advancement of those ends, they have, at all times, an unalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their government, in such manner as they may think proper. Of the rights of conscience, &c. Sect. III. That all men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences; that no man can, of right, be compelled to attend, erect, or support any place of worship, or to maintain any ministry against his consent; that no human authority can, in any case whatever, controul or interfere with the rights of conscience; and that no preference shall ever be given, by law, to any religious establishments or modes of worship. Of a disqualification on account of religion. Sect. IV. That no person, who acknowledges the being of a God and a future state of rewards and punishments, shall, on account of his religious sentiments, be disqualified to hold any office or place of trust or profit under this commonwealth. Of elections. Sect. V. That elections shall be free and equal. Trial by jury. Sect. VI. That trial by jury shall be as heretofore, and the right thereof remain inviolate. Of the liberty of the press. Sect. VII. That the printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the proceedings of the legislature, or any branch of government: And no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers, investigating the official conduct of officers, or men in a public capacity, or where the matter published is proper for public information, the truth thereof may be given in evidence: And, in all indictments for libels, the jury shall have a right to determine the law and the facts, under the direction of the court, as in other cases. Of security from searches and seizures. Sect. VIII. That the people shall be secure in their persons, houses, papers and possessions, from unreasonable searches and seizures: And that no warrant to search any place, or to seize any person or things, shall issue, without describing them as nearly as may be, nor without probable cause supported by oath or affirmation. Of the rights of the accused in criminal prosecutions. Sect. IX. That, in all criminal prosecutions, the accused hath a right to be heard by himself and his council, to demand the nature and cause of the accusation against him, to meet the witnesses face to face, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and, in prosecutions by indictment or information, a speedy public trial by an impartial jury of the vicinage: That he cannot be compelled to give evidence against himself, nor can he be deprived of his life, liberty, or property, unless by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land. Of informations, &c. Sect. X. That no person shall, for any indictable offence, be proceeded against criminally by information, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger, or, by leave of the court, for oppression and misdemeanor in office. No person shall, for the same offence, be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall any man’s property be taken or applied to public use, without the consent of his representatives, and without just compensation being made. Of the courts of justice, and suits against the state. Sect. XI. That all courts shall be open, and every man, for an injury done him in his lands, goods, person or reputation, shall have remedy by the due course of law, and right and justice administered, without sale, denial or delay. Suits may be brought against the commonwealth in such manner, in such courts, and in such cases, as the legislature may by law direct. Of suspending laws. Sect. XII. That no power of suspending laws shall be exercised, unless by the legislature, or its authority. Of bail, fines, and punishments. Sect. XIII. That excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel punishments inflicted. Of the habeas corpus. Sect. XIV. That all prisoners shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offences, when the proof is evident or presumption great; and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. Of oyer and terminer, &c. Sect. XV. That no commission of oyer and terminer or gaol delivery shall be issued. Of insolvent debtors. Sect. XVI. That the person of a debtor, where there is not strong presumption of fraud, shall not be continued in prison, after delivering up his estate for the benefit of his creditors, in such manner as shall be prescribed by law. Of ex post facto laws. Sect. XVII. That no ex post facto law, nor any law impairing contracts, shall be made. Of attainder of treason and felony. Sect. XVIII. That no person shall be attainted of treason or felony by the legislature. Of attainder, felo de se, and deodand. Sect. XIX. That no attainder shall work corruption of blood, nor, except during the life of the offender, forfeiture of estate to the commonwealth; that the estates of such persons as shall destroy their own lives shall descend or vest as in case of natural death; and if any person shall be killed by casualty, there shall be no forfeiture by reason thereof. Of the right to assemble, petition, &c. Sect. XX. That the citizens have right, in a peaceable manner, to assemble together for their common good, and to apply to those invested with the powers of government for redress of grievances, or other proper purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance. To bear arms. Sect. XXI. That the right of the citizens to bear arms, in defence of themselves and the state, shall not be questioned. Of the military. Sect. XXII. That no standing army shall, in time of peace, be kept up without the consent of the legislature; and the military, shall in all cases, and at all times, be in strict subordination to the civil power. Of quartering troops. Sect. XXIII. That no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Of titles and offices. Sect. XXIV. That the legislature shall not grant any title of nobility or hereditary distinction, nor create any office, the appointment of which shall be for a longer term than during good behavior. Of emigration. Sect. XXV. That emigration from the state shall not be prohibited. Exception from the general powers of government. Sect. XXVI. To guard against the transgressions of the high powers which we have delegated, WE DECLARE, That everything in this article is excepted out of the general powers of government, and shall for ever remain inviolate. SCHEDULE That no inconvenience may arise from the Alterations and Amendments in the Constitution of this Commonwealth, and in order to carry the same into complete operation, it is hereby declared and ordained, Of former laws, proceedings and contracts. I. That all laws of this commonwealth, in force at the time of making the said alterations and amendments in the said Constitution, and not inconsistent therewith, and all rights, actions, prosecutions, claims and contracts, as well of individuals as of bodies corporate, shall continue as if the said alterations and amendments had not been made. Of the Executive Council. II. That the President and Supreme Executive Council shall continue to exercise the executive authority of this commonwealth, as heretofore, until the third Tuesday of December next; but no intermediate vacancies in the Council shall be supplied by new elections. Officers in their appointment, III. That all officers in the appointment of the executive department shall continue in the exercise of the duties of their respective offices until the first day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, unless their commissions shall sooner expire by their own limitations, or the said offices become vacant by death or resignation, and no longer, unless reappointed and commissioned by the Governor; except that the judges of the supreme court shall hold their offices for the terms in their commissions respectively expressed. IV. That justice shall be administered in the several counties of the state, until the period aforesaid, by the same justices, in the same courts, and in the same manner as heretofore. Of Sheriffs in commission. V. That no person now in commission as Sheriff shall be eligible at the next election for a longer term, than will, with the time which he shall have served in the said office, complete the term of three years. Of the present ratio of representation. VI. That, until the first enumeration shall be made, as directed in the fourth section of the first article of the Constitution established by this Convention, the city of Philadelphia and the several counties shall be respectively entitled to elect the same number of Representatives as is now prescribed by law. Of the present districts for electing Senators. VII. That the first Senate shall consist of eighteen members, to be chosen in districts formed as follows, to wit: The city of Philadelphia and the counties of Philadelphia and Delaware shall be a district, and elect three Senators: The county of Chester shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The county of Bucks shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The county of Montgomery shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The county of Northampton shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The counties of Lancaster and York shall be a district, and shall elect three Senators: The counties of Berks and Dauphin shall be a district, and shall elect two Senators: The counties of Cumberland and Mifflin shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The counties of Northumberland, Luzerne and Huntingdon shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The counties of Bedford and Franklin shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: The counties of Westmoreland and Allegheny shall be a district, and shall elect one Senator: And the counties of Washington and Fayette shall be a district, and shall elect two Senators: Which Senators shall serve until the first enumeration before mentioned shall be made, and the representation in both Houses of the legislature shall be established by law, and chosen as in the Constitution is directed. Any vacancies which shall happen in the Senate, within the said time, shall be supplied as prescribed in the nineteenth section of the first article. Of the mode of proceeding in the election of Senators, VIII. That the elections of Senators shall be conducted, and the returns thereof made to the Senate, in the same manner as is prescribed by the election laws of the state, for conducting and making return of the election of Representatives. In those districts, which consist of more than one county, the Judges of the district elections within each county, after having formed a return of the whole election within that county, in such manner as is directed by law, shall send the same, by one or more of their number, to the place herein after mentioned within the district, of which such county is a part, where the Judges so met shall compare and cast up the several county returns, and execute, under their hands and seals, one general and true return for the whole district, that is to say; the Judges of the district composed of the city of Philadelphia and the counties of Philadelphia and Delaware shall meet in the State-house in the city of Philadelphia; the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Lancaster and York shall meet at the Court-house in the county of Lancaster; and the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Berks and Dauphin shall meet at Middletown, in the county of Berks; the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Cumberland and Mifflin shall meet in Greenwood township, county of Cumberland, at the house now occupied by David Miller; the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Northumberland, Luzerne and Huntingdon shall meet in the town of Sunbury; the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Bedford and Franklin shall meet at the house now occupied by John Dickey, in Air township, Bedford county; the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Westmoreland and Allegheny shall meet in Westmoreland County, at the Court-house in the town of Greensborough; and the Judges of the district composed of the counties of Washington and Fayette shall meet at the Court-house in the town of Washington, in Washington county, on the third Tuesday in October, respectively, for the purposes aforesaid. and of the Governor. IX. That the election of the Governor shall be conducted in the several counties, in the manner prescribed by the laws of the state for the election of Representatives; and the returns in each county shall be sealed by the Judges of the elections, and transmitted to the President of the Supreme Executive Council, directed to the Speaker of the Senate, as soon after the election as may be. Done in Convention, the second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the fifteenth. In testimony whereof. we have, hereunto subscribed our names. James Wilson, Hilary Baker, William Lewis, Thomas M’Kean, George Gray, William Robinson, jun. Robert Hare, Enoch Edwards, Samuel Ogden, Thomas Jenks, jun. John Barclay, Abraham Stout, William Gibbons, Thomas Bull, James Boyd, Edward Hand, Robert Coleman, Sebastian Graff, John Hubley, John Breckbill, Henry Miller, Henry Slagle, William Reed, Benjamin Tyson, Benjamin Pedan, Matthew Dill, William Irvine, James Power, Joseph Heister, Christian Lower, Abraham Lincoln, Paul Groscop, Baltzer Gehr, Samuel Sitgreaves, John Arndt, Peter Rhoads, Joseph Powell, John Piper, Charles Smith, Simon Snyder, William Findley, William Todd, Alexander Addison, John Hoge, David Reddick, James Ross, John Smilie, Albert Gallatin, James M’Lene, George Matthews, James Morris, Lindsay Coats, Jonathan Shoemaker, John Gloninger, Willliam Brown, Alexander Graydon, Timothy Pickering, Andrew Henderson, John Gibson, Thomas Beale, John Sellers, Nathaniel Newlin. Attest: Joseph Redman, Secretary. J. Shallus, Assistant Secretary. Source: https://www.paconstitution.org/texts-of-the-constitution/1790-2/

To the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island [Newport, R.I., 18 August 1790] Gentlemen. While I receive, with much satisfaction, your Address 1  replete with expressions of affection and esteem; I rejoice in the opportunity of assuring you, that I shall always retain a grateful remembrance of the cordial welcome I experienced in my visit to Newport, from all classes of Citizens. The reflection on the days of difficulty and danger which are past is rendered the more sweet, from a consciousness that they are succeeded by days of uncommon prosperity and security. If we have wisdom to make the best use of the advantages with which we are now favored, we cannot fail, under the just administration of a good Government, to become a great and a happy people. The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation. All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunities of citizenship It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support. It would be inconsistent with the frankness of my character not to avow that I am pleased with your favorable opinion of my Administration, and fervent wishes for my felicity. May the Children of the Stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other Inhabitants; while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. May the father of all mercies scatter light and not darkness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy. Go: Washington Source: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-06-02-0135

First Congress Second Session Chap. XXXIV.—An Act making provision for the [payment of the] Debt of the United States. Whereas, justice and the support of public credit require, that provision should be made for fulfilling the engagements of the United States, in respect to their foreign debt, and for funding their domestic debt upon equitable and satisfactory terms: Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That reserving out of the monies which have arisen since the last day of December last past, and which shall hereafter arise from the duties on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, and on the tonnage of ships or vessels, the yearly sum of six hundred thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be appropriated from time to time, towards the support of the government of the United States, and their common defence, the residue of the said monies, or so much thereof, as may be necessary, as the same shall be received in each year, next after the sum reserved as aforesaid, shall be, and is hereby appropriated to the payment of the interest which shall from time to time become due on the loans heretofore made by the United States in foreign countries; and also to the payment of interest on such further loans as may be obtained for discharging the arrears of interest thereupon, and the whole or any part of the principal thereof; to continue so appropriated until the said loans, as well those already made as those which may be made in virtue of this act, shall be fully satisfied, pursuant to the contracts relating to the same, any law to the contrary notwithstanding. And provided, That nothing herein contained, shall be construed to annul or alter any appropriation by law made prior to the passing of this act. And as new loans are and will be necessary for the payment of the aforesaid arrears of interest, and the instalments of the principal of the said foreign debt due and growing due, and may also be found expedient for effecting an entire alteration in the state of the same: Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, to cause to be borrowed on behalf of the United States, a sum or sums, not exceeding in the whole twelve million of dollars; and that so much of this sum as may be necessary to the discharge of the said arrears and instalments, and (if it can be effected upon terms advantageous to the United States) to the paying off the whole of the said foreign debt, be appropriated solely to those purposes: And the President is moreover further authorized to cause to be made such other contracts respecting the said debt as shall be found for the interest of the said States. Provided nevertheless, That no engagement nor contract shall be entered into which shall preclude the United States from reimbursing any sum or sums borrowed within fifteen years after the same shall have been lent or advanced. And whereas it is desirable to adapt the nature of the provision to be made for the domestic debt to the present circumstances of the United States, as far as it shall be found practicable, consistently with good faith and the rights of the creditors; which can only be done by a voluntary loan on their part: Sec. 3. Be it therefore further enacted, That a loan to the full amount of the said domestic debt be, and the same is hereby proposed; and that books for receiving subscriptions to the said loan be opened at the treasury of the United States, and by a commissioner to be appointed in each of the said states, on the first day of October next, to continue open until the last day of September following, inclusively; and that the sums which shall be subscribed thereto, be payable in certificates issued for the said debt, according to their specie value, and computing the interest upon such as bear interest to the last day of December next, inclusively; which said certificates shall be of these several descriptions, to wit: Those issued by the register of the treasury. Those issued by the commissioners of loans in the several states, including certificates given pursuant to the act of Congress of the second of January, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine, for bills of credit of the several emissions of the twentieth of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven, and the eleventh of April, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight. Those issued by the commissioners for the adjustment of the accounts of the quartermaster, commissary, hospital, clothing, and marine departments. Those issued by the commissioners for the adjustment of accounts in the respective states. Those issued by the late and present paymaster-general, or commissioner of army accounts. Those issued for the payment of interest, commonly called indents of interest. And in the bills of credit issued by the authority of the United States in Congress assembled, at the rate of one hundred dollars in the said bills, for one dollar in specie. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That for the whole or any part of any sum subscribed to the said loan, by any person or persons, or body politic, which shall be paid in the principal of the said domestic debt, the subscriber or subscribers shall be entitled to a certificate, purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, his, her, or their assigns, a sum to be expressed therein, equal to two thirds of the sum so paid, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payments not exceeding in one year, on account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in such certificate; and to another certificate purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, his, her or their assigns, a sum to be expressed therein, equal to the proportion of thirty-three dollars and one third of a dollar upon a hundred of the sum so paid, which after the year one thousand eight hundred shall bear an interest of six per centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payments not exceeding in one year, on account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in such certificate: Provided, That it shall not be understood that the United States shall be bound or obliged to redeem in the proportion aforesaid; but it shall be understood only that they have a right so to do. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That for the whole or any part of any sum subscribed to the said loan by any person or persons, or body politic, which shall be paid in the interest of the said domestic debt, computed to the said last day of December next, or in the said certificates issued in payment of interest, commonly called indents of interest, the subscriber or subscribers shall be entitled to a certificate purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, his, her or their assigns, a sum to be specified therein, equal to that by him, her or them so paid, bearing an interest of three per centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payment of the sum specified therein, whenever provision shall be made by law for that purpose. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That a commissioner be appointed for each state, to reside therein, whose duty it shall be to superintend the subscriptions to the said loan; to open books for the same; to receive the certificates which shall be presented in payment thereof; to liquidate the specie value of such of them as shall not have been before liquidated; to issue the certificates above mentioned in lieu thereof, according to the terms of each subscription; to enter in books to be by him kept for that purpose, credits to the respective subscribers to the said loan for the sums to which they shall be respectively entitled; to transfer the said credits upon the said books from time to time as shall be requisite; to pay the interest thereupon as the same shall become due, and generally to observe and perform such directions and regulations as shall be prescribed to him by the Secretary of the Treasury, touching the execution of his office. Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the stock which shall be created pursuant to this act, shall be transferable only on the books of the treasury, or of the said commissioners respectively, upon which the credit for the same shall exist at the time of transfer, by the proprietor or proprietors of such stock, his, her or their attorney: but it shall be lawful for the Secretary of the Treasury, by special warrant under his hand and the seal of the treasury, countersigned by the comptroller, and registered by the register, at the request of the respective proprietors, to authorize the transfer of such stock from the books of one commissioner to those of another commissioner, or to those of the treasury, and from those of the treasury to those of a commissioner. Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the interest upon the said stock, as the same shall become due, shall be payable quarter yearly—that is to say: One fourth part thereof on the last day of March: one other fourth part thereof on the last day of June: one other fourth part thereof on the last day of September; and the remaining fourth part thereof on the last day of December in each year, beginning on the last day of March next ensuing; and payment shall be made wheresoever the credit for the said stock shall exist at the time such interest shall become due—that is to say: At the treasury, if the credit for the same shall then exist on the books of the treasury, or at the office of the commissioner upon whose books such credit shall then exist. But if the interest for one quarter shall not be demanded before the expiration of a third quarter, the same shall be afterwards demandable only at the treasury. And as it may happen that some of the creditors of the United States may not think fit to become subscribers to the said loan: Sec. 9. Be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed in any wise to alter, abridge or impair the rights of those creditors of the United States, who shall not subscribe to the said loan, or the contracts upon which their respective claims are founded; but the said contracts and rights shall remain in full force and virtue. And that such creditors may not be excluded from a participation in the benefit hereby intended to the creditors of the United States in general, while the said proposed loan shall be depending, and until it shall appear from the event thereof what farther or other arrangements may be necessary respecting the said domestic debt: Sec. 10. Be it therefore further enacted, That such of the creditors of the United States as may not subscribe to the said loan, shall nevertheless receive during the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, a rate per centum on the respective amounts of their respective demands, including interest to the last day of December next, equal to the interest payable to subscribing creditors, to be paid at the same times, at the same places, and by the same persons as is herein before directed, concerning the interest on the stock which may be created in virtue of the said proposed loan. But as some of the certificates now in circulation have not heretofore been liquidated to specie value, as most of them are greatly subject to counterfeit, and counterfeits have actually taken place in numerous instances, and as embarrassment and imposition might, for these reasons, attend the payment of interest on those certificates in their present form, it shall therefore be necessary to entitle the said creditors to the benefit of the said payment, that those of them who do not possess certificates issued by the register of the treasury, for the registered debt, should produce previous to the first day of June next, their respective certificates, either at the treasury of the United States, or to some one of the commissioners to be appointed as aforesaid, to the end that the same may be cancelled, and other certificates issued in lieu thereof; which new certificates shall specify the specie amount of those in exchange for which they are given, and shall be otherwise of the like tenor with those heretofore issued by the said register of the treasury for the said registered debt, and shall be transferable on the like principles with those directed to be issued on account of the subscriptions to the loan hereby proposed. Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That the commissioners who shall be appointed pursuant to this act, shall respectively be entitled to the following yearly salaries, that is to say: The commissioner for the state of New Hampshire, six hundred and fifty dollars: The commissioner for the state of Massachusetts, fifteen hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, six hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of Connecticut, one thousand dollars: The commissioner for the state of New York, fifteen hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of New Jersey, seven hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of Pennsylvania, fifteen hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of Delaware, six hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of Maryland, one thousand dollars: The commissioner for the state of Virginia, fifteen hundred dollars: The commissioner for the state of North Carolina, one thousand dollars: The commissioner for the state of South Carolina, one thousand dollars: The commissioner for the state of Georgia, seven hundred dollars: Which salaries shall be in full compensation for all services and expenses. Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That the said commissioners, before they enter upon the execution of their several offices, shall respectively take an oath or affirmation for the diligent and faithful execution of their trust, and shall also become bound with one or more sureties to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Treasury, in a penalty not less [than] five thousand, nor more than ten thousand dollars, with condition for their good behaviour in their said offices respectively. And whereas a provision for the debts of the respective states by the United States, would be greatly conducive to an orderly, economical and effectual arrangement of the public finances: Sec. 13. Be it therefore further enacted, That a loan be proposed to the amount of twenty-one million and five hundred thousand dollars, and that subscriptions to the said loan be received at the same times and places, and by the same persons, as in respect to the loan herein before proposed concerning the domestic debt of the United States. And that the sums which shall be subscribed to the said loan, shall be payable in the principal and interest of the certificates or notes, which prior to the first day of January last, were issued by the respective states, as acknowledgments or evidences of debts by them respectively owing, except certificates issued by the commissioners of army accounts in the state of North Carolina, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six. Provided, That no greater sum shall be received in the certificates of any state than as follows; that is to say: In those of New Hampshire, three hundred thousand dollars. In those of Massachusetts, four million dollars. In those of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, two hundred thousand dollars. In those of Connecticut, one million six hundred thousand dollars. In those of New York, one million two hundred thousand dollars. In those of New Jersey, eight hundred thousand dollars. In those of Pennsylvania, two million two hundred thousand dollars. In those of Delaware, two hundred thousand dollars. In those of Maryland, eight hundred thousand dollars. In those of Virginia, three million five hundred thousand dollars. In those of North Carolina, two million four hundred thousand dollars. In those of South Carolina, four million dollars. In those of Georgia, three hundred thousand dollars. And provided, That no such certificate shall be received, which from the tenor thereof, or from any public record, act, or document, shall appear or can be ascertained to have been issued for any purpose, other than compensations and expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof during the same. Sec. 14. Provided also, and be it further enacted, That if the total amount of the sums which shall be subscribed to the said loan in the debt of any state, within the time limited for receiving subscriptions thereto, shall exceed the sum by this act allowed to be subscribed within such state, the certificates and credits granted to the respective subscribers, shall bear such proportion to the sums by them respectively subscribed, as the total amount of the said sums shall bear to the whole sum so allowed to be subscribed in the debt of such state within the same. And every subscriber to the said loan shall, at the time of subscribing, deposit with the commissioner the certificates or notes to be loaned by him. Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That for two thirds of any sum subscribed to the said loan, by any person or persons, or body politic, which shall be paid in the principal and interest of the certificates or notes issued as aforesaid by the respective states, the subscriber or subscribers shall be entitled to a certificate, purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, or his, her or their assigns, a sum to be expressed therein, equal to two thirds of the aforesaid two thirds, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payments, not exceeding in one year, on account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in such certificate; and to another certificate, purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, his, her or their assigns, a sum to be expressed therein, equal to the proportion of thirty-three dollars and one third of a dollar upon a hundred of the said two thirds of such sum so subscribed, which after the year one thousand eight hundred shall bear an interest of six per centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payments, not exceeding in one year, on account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in such certificate; and that for the remaining third of any sum so subscribed, the subscriber or subscribers shall be entitled to a certificate, purporting that the United States owe to the holder or holders thereof, his, her or their assigns, a sum to be expressed therein, equal to the said remaining third, bearing an interest of three per cent. per annum, payable quarter yearly, and subject to redemption by payment of the sum specified therein whenever provision shall be made by law for that purpose. Sec. 16. And be it further enacted, That the interest upon the certificates which shall be received in payment of the sums subscribed towards the said loan, shall be computed to the last day of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, inclusively; and the interest upon the stock which shall be created by virtue of the said loan, shall commence or begin to accrue on the first day of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and shall be payable quarter yearly, at the same time, and in like manner as the interest on the stock to be created by virtue of the loan above proposed in the domestic debt of the United States. Sec. 17. And be it further enacted, That if the whole sum allowed to be subscribed in the debt or certificates of any state as aforesaid, shall not be subscribed within the time for that purpose limited, such state shall be entitled to receive, and shall receive from the United States, an interest per centum per annum, upon so much of the said sum as shall not have been so subscribed, equal to that which would have accrued on the deficiency, had the same been subscribed in trust for the non-subscribing creditors of such state, who are holders of certificates or notes issued on account of services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the United States or of some part thereof, to be paid in like manner as the interest on the stock which may be created by virtue of the said loan, and to continue until there shall be a settlement of accounts between the United States and the individual states; and in case a balance shall then appear in favour of such state, until provision shall be made for the said balance. But as certain states have respectively issued their own certificates, in exchange for those of the United States, whereby it might happen that interest might be twice payable on the same sums: Sec. 18. Be it further enacted, That the payment of interest whether to states or to individuals, in respect to the debt of any state, by which such exchange shall have been made, shall be suspended, until it shall appear to the satisfaction of the secretary of the treasury, that certificates issued for that purpose by such state, have been re-exchanged or redeemed, or until those which shall not have been re-exchanged or redeemed, shall be surrendered to the United States. Sec. 19. And be it further enacted, That so much of the debt of each state as shall be subscribed to the said loan, and the monies (if any) that shall be advanced to the same pursuant to this act, shall be a charge against such state, in account with the United States. Sec. 20. And be it further enacted, That the monies arising under the revenue laws, which have been or during the present session of Congress may be passed, or so much thereof as may be necessary, shall be and are hereby pledged and appropriated for the payment of the interest on the stock which shall be created by the loans aforesaid, pursuant to the provisions of this act, first paying that which shall arise on the stock created by virtue of the said first mentioned loan, to continue so pledged and appropriated, until the final redemption of the said stock, any law to the contrary notwithstanding, subject nevertheless to such reservations and priorities as may be requisite to satisfy the appropriations heretofore made, and which during the present session of Congress may be made by law, including the sums herein before reserved and appropriated: and to the end that the said monies may be inviolably applied in conformity to this act, and may never be diverted to any other purpose, an account shall be kept of the receipts and disposition thereof, separate and distinct from the product of any other duties, imposts, excises and taxes whatsoever, except such as may be hereafter laid, to make good any deficiency which may be found in the product thereof towards satisfying the interest aforesaid. Sec. 21. And be it further enacted, That the faith of the United States be, and the same is hereby pledged to provide and appropriate hereafter such additional and permanent funds as may be requisite towards supplying any such deficiency, and making full provision for the payment of the interest which shall accrue on the stock to be created by virtue of the loans aforesaid, in conformity to the terms thereof respectively, and according to the tenor of the certificates to be granted for the same pursuant to this act. Sec. 22. And be it further enacted, That the proceeds of the sales which shall be made of lands in the western territory, now belonging, or that may hereafter belong to the United States, shall be, and are hereby appropriated towards sinking or discharging the debts, for the payment whereof the United States now are, or by virtue of this act may be holden, and shall be applied solely to that use until the said debts shall be fully satisfied. Approved, August 4, 1790. Source: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/United_States_Statutes_at_Large/Volume_1/1st_Congress/2nd_Session/Chapter_34

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