Search this site

The Letters Patents to John Cabot From King Henry VII March 4, 1496 The Letters Patents to John Cabot The Letters Patents of King Henry the Seventh Granted unto John Cabot and his Three Sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius for the the Discouerie of New and Unknowen Lands. Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting. Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted, and by these presents do giue and grant for vs and our heiress to our welbeloued Iohn Cabot citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the sayd Iohn, and to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leaue, and power to saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, vnder our banners and ensignes, with fine ships of what burthen or quantity soeuer they be, and as many mariners or men as they will haue with them in the sayd ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges, to seeke out, discouer, and finde whatsoever isles, countreys, regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoeuer they be, and in what part of the world soeuer they be, which before this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians: we haue granted to them, and also to euery of them, the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue giuen them licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery village, towns, castle, isle, or maine land of them newly found. And'that the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes, or their heires and assignee may subdue, occupy and possesse all such townes, cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, occupy and possesse, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, & firme land so found. Yet so that the aforesayd Iohn, and his sonnes and heires, and their deputies, be holden and bounder of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and commodities growing of such navigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they shall arrine at our port of Bristoll (at the which port they shall be bound and holden onely to arrine) all maner of necessary costs and charges by them made, being deducted, to pay vnto vs in wares or money the lift part of the capital! gaine so gotten. We gluing and granting vnto them and to their heires and deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customer of all and singular such merchandise as they shall be free from all paying of customes of all and singular they shall bring with them from those places so newlie found. This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter I Letters Patent to John Cabot —March 5, 1496 Annotation: Letters patent issued by Henry VII of England on 5 March 1496 granting John Cabot and his sons authority to sail westward in search of unknown lands, claim them for the English Crown, and profit from their resources. This document represents the earliest formal English royal authorization for transatlantic exploration, establishing a model of private enterprise under crown sponsorship that would shape later English colonial ventures. The Departure of John and Sebastian Cabot from Bristol on their first voyage of discovery, 1497 — Ernest Board Author: King Henry VII — ca. 1505 Transcript Source: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/15th_century/cabot01.asp   And moreover, we haue giuen and granted to them, their heires and deputies, that all the firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and places whatsoever they be that they shall chance to finde, may not of any other of our subjects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresayd John and his sonnes, and their deputies, vnder payee of forfeiture as well of their ships as of all and singular goods of all them that shall presume to saile to those places so found. Willing, and most straightly commanding all and singular our subjects as well on land as on sea, appointed officers, to giue good assistance to the aforesaid John, and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in provision of quietnesse, and in buying of victuals for their money, and all other things by them to be provided necessary for the sayd naulgation, they do gine them all their helpe and fanour. In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our lettres patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminister, the fift day of March, In the eleventh yeere of our reigne.

Decree from Spain to Cultivate American Colonies July 22, 1497 Decree from Spain to Cultivate American Colonies Don Fernando and doña Isabel by the grace of God king and queen of Castille, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Seville, Sardinia, Corsica, Navarre, Jaen, the Algarves, Algeciras, Gibraltar and the Canary Islands, Count and Countess of Barcelona, Genoa, Viscaya and Molina, duke of Athens and Neopatria, counts of Rousillon and Sardinia, marquises of Oristano and Gociano, since it was implored to us by some persons that are denizens of the Española island and of others that want to become denizens in it for us to mandate that lands were given and assigned to them in which they could [sow] wheat and other seeds and grow orchards and cotton fields and olive fields and vineyards and trees and sugar cane fields and other plants and make and build houses and mills and sugar mills for the said sugar and other convenient buildings necessary for their living, which is beneficial to us and an asset and useful for us as well as for the residents in the said island.   We therefore hereby give license and power to you don Christopher Columbus our admiral of the Ocean Sea and our viceroy and governor in the said island so that in all its districts you may give away and distribute and indeed give away and distribute to such personas and to each one of them that now live and reside in the said island and to those that from heretofore go to live and reside in it in the lands, mountains, and water that you may see should be given and allocated to each one of them in accordance to who they may be and how much they may have served us, and the condition and quality of their person and way of living, limiting and fencing  what you may thus give and distribute to them, so that they may have and own it as of their own and theirs, and use it and plant it and carve it and benefit from it, with capacity to sell, give away and donate and barter and change and transfer and pawn it and to make with it, and in it, everything that may be, and be considered, good as if a thing of their own, owned by just and straight title, the said persons obliging themselves to have and maintain denizenship with their house populated in the said Española island during the immediately subsequent four years, counted from the day you were to give and hand to them the said lands and farms, and to make houses in the said island and plant the said vineyards and orchards in the manner and quantity that you deem good, provided that in the said lands and mountains and streams that you may thus give away and distribute, the said persons may not have and do not have any jurisdiction, civil or criminal, nor anything bounded nor made into pasture nor a round plot besides what they may have fenced with an upright [mud] wall, and that everything else of the fenced lot, once the fruits and remnants of it are picked, This document appears in the Compendium: Chapter I Decree from Spain to Cultivate American Colonies — July 22, 1497 Annotation: Decree by the Catholic Monarchs granting lands to early settlers of La Española for cultivation of crops, including sugarcane, under specified conditions (Medina del Campo, 22 July 1497); this decree established the legal and economic framework for Spanish colonial agriculture and settlement in the Caribbean. Authors: Ferdinand II of Aragon — José de Madrazo ca. 1848 Isabella of Castile — José de Madrazo ca. 1848 Transcript Source: http://firstblacks.org/en/manuscripts/fb-primary-001-manuscript/translation/ should become pasture and commons and waste land to all, and also that the said persons to whom you may give and apportion the said lands may not make nor they make on them, nor on part of them, [any] collecting or unloading of metal nor of  Brazil wood nor of any other things among those that belong to us and of which a [any] collecting or unloading must be done under our mandate, and that they alone be allowed to sow and harvest and carry and enjoy the fruits of bread and seeds and trees and vineyards and cotton fields that they may sow and collect in the said lands as it has been said, and we want and mandate that, in the lands that you give and apportion to them in the said manner, no person or persons should take them away from them or occupy them or put on them or portion of them any embargo  or any impediment  but should allow them to freely have and own and enjoy them according to the content of this our letter, and neither some or the others should therefore do otherwise in any manner under penalty of our favor and of ten thousand maravedis for our coffers to each who does the contrary. Issued in the village of Medina del Campo on twenty two days of the month of July, year one thousand and four hundred and ninety seven years since the birth of our savior Jesus Christ. I the King and I the Queen. And I Juan de Parra secretary of the King and the Queen our lords had it written as per their mandate.

October 28, 1789: New Jersey receives and begins deliberating the proposed amendments. November 6, 1789: Joint Committee of the New Jersey legislature recommends the ratification of all but the second of the 12 amendments. November 20, 1789: New Jersey ratifies 11 of the 12 proposed amendments. August 3, 1790: New Jersey certifies their ratification. August 4, 1790: New Jersey transmit their ratification to President Washington. August 6, 1790: President Washington addresses Congress on New Jersey's ratification. State of New Jersey An Act to ratify on the part of this State certain Amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Whereas the Congress of the United States begun and held at the City of New York on Wednesday the fourth Day of March one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine Resolved, two thirds of both houses concurring that sundry Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures to be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the said Constitution: And Whereas the president of the United States did in pursuance of a Resolve of the Senate and house of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled transmit to the Governor of this State the amendments proposed by Congress which were by him laid before the Legislature for their Consideration, Wherefore, 1. Be it enacted by the Council and General Assembly of this State, and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, That the following Articles proposed by Congress in Addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the United States, to wit, " Article the first.   After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand until the number shall amount to one hundred after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall be not less than one hundred representatives, nor less than one Representative for every forty thousand persons until the number of Representatives shall amount to two hundred after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall not be less than two hundred representatives, nor more than one Representative for every fifty thousand persons. Article the third.   Congress shall make no law respecting an Establishment of Religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of Speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to Assemble and to Petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Article the Fourth.   A well regulated Militia being necessary to the Security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed. Article the Fifth.   No Soldier shall in time of peace be Quartered in any House, without the Consent of the owner, nor in time of War but in a manner to be prescribed by Law. Article the Sixth.   The right of the People to be secure in their persons, Houses, Papers, and effects against unreasonable Searches and Seizures shall not be violated and no Warrants shall issue but upon probable cause supported by Oath or Affirmation and particularly discribing the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized. Article the Seventh.   No person shall be held to answer for a Capital, or otherwise infamous Crime unless on a presentment or Indictment of a Grand Jury except in cases arising in the land or Naval forces, or in the Militia when in actual Service in time of War or public danger nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in Jeopardy of life or limb nor shall be compelled in any Criminal case to be a Witness against himself nor be deprived of life liberty or property without due process of law nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Article the eighth.   In all criminal Prosecutions the Accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public tryal by an impartial Jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed which district shall have been previously ascertained by Law and to be informed of the nature and cause of the Accusation to be confronted with the Witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favour and to have the assistance of Counsel for his defence. Article the Ninth.   In Suits at common Law where the Value in controversy shall exceed twenty Dollars the right of tryal by Jury shall be preserved and no fact tryed by a Jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States than according to the Rules of the common Law. Article the Tenth.   Excessive Bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Article the eleventh.   The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others Retained by the People. Article the twelfth.   The Powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." be and the same are hereby ratified and adopted by the State of New Jersey. Council Chamber Nov.m 20th—1789 This Bill having been three times read in Council. Resolved, That the same do pass.  By Order of the House Wil. Livingston Pres'd. House of Assembly November 19th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in this House Resolved That the same do pass.    By Order of the House John Beatty Speaker      An Act to ratify on the part of this State certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States House of Assembly November 19th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in this House is pased. Maskell Ewing Council Chamber Nov.m 20th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in Council is passed. — B. Reed Source: https://www.nj.gov/state/archives/doc1st10thamendments.html

In the pursuit of deepening our understanding of the past, the availability and accessibility of primary source materials stand as indispensable pillars. As one who has long engaged with historical research, I have found that the ability to consult original documents, artifacts, and firsthand accounts not only enriches the narrative but also sharpens critical thinking and analytical skills. It is within this context that I invite you to explore the profound utility of historical source collections, with particular emphasis on the remarkable resource known as the tarpeia primary source database . This platform, designed with meticulous care and scholarly rigor, offers an unprecedented gateway to American history, facilitating both academic inquiry and public education. The Significance of Historical Source Collections in Research and Education Historical source collections serve as the bedrock upon which credible historical scholarship is constructed. Unlike secondary sources, which interpret and analyze, primary sources provide the raw materials of history - letters, diaries, official documents, photographs, and more - that allow us to engage directly with the voices and experiences of those who lived through the events we study. The value of such collections lies not only in their authenticity but also in their capacity to foster a nuanced understanding of complex historical phenomena. When you approach a historical source collection, you are afforded the opportunity to: Examine original materials that reveal the context, biases, and perspectives of their time. Trace the evolution of ideas and events through contemporaneous documentation. Develop interpretive skills by comparing and contrasting diverse sources. Enhance civic literacy by connecting historical knowledge to present-day issues. For educators, these collections provide a treasure trove of teaching tools that can transform passive learning into active exploration. For students and scholars alike, they offer a foundation for rigorous research and original contributions to the field. Navigating the Landscape of Historical Source Collections The landscape of historical source collections is vast and varied, encompassing physical archives, digital repositories, and curated databases. Each type presents unique advantages and challenges. Physical archives, while invaluable, often require travel and specialized handling. Digital repositories, on the other hand, democratize access but may vary in scope and quality. In this milieu, curated databases such as the Tarpeia platform emerge as particularly effective tools. They combine the rigor of archival standards with the convenience of digital access, offering: Comprehensive coverage of key historical periods and themes. Advanced search functionalities that allow precise filtering by date, location, document type, and more. Contextual annotations and metadata that aid interpretation. User-friendly interfaces designed to accommodate both novices and experts. By leveraging such collections, you can streamline your research process, uncover hidden connections, and engage more deeply with the material. What is Tarpeia? Tarpeia represents a pioneering initiative in the realm of historical source collections, dedicated to American history. It is an educational nonprofit that aspires to make scholarly research and primary sources accessible to all, thereby enriching civic and historical literacy across the nation. The platform is distinguished by its commitment to inclusivity, accuracy, and pedagogical value. At its core, Tarpeia offers a meticulously curated database of primary sources, encompassing documents from the colonial era through the twentieth century. These include letters, government records, speeches, photographs, and newspapers, all digitized and annotated to facilitate understanding. The platform’s design reflects a thoughtful balance between scholarly depth and user accessibility, making it an invaluable resource for a wide spectrum of users. What sets Tarpeia apart is its emphasis on educational outreach. The platform provides tools and lesson plans tailored for classroom use, enabling educators to integrate primary sources seamlessly into their curricula. Moreover, it fosters a community of learners and researchers who share insights and collaborate on projects, thereby amplifying the impact of historical inquiry. Practical Strategies for Utilizing the Tarpeia Primary Source Database Having introduced the platform, I now turn to practical strategies that you can employ to maximize the benefits of the tarpeia primary source database in your own work. Whether you are embarking on a research project, preparing a lesson plan, or simply seeking to deepen your historical knowledge, these recommendations will serve you well. Define Your Research Question Clearly Before delving into the database, articulate a focused research question or theme. This clarity will guide your search and help you select the most relevant sources. Utilize Advanced Search Filters Take full advantage of Tarpeia’s filtering options. Narrow your results by date range, document type, geographic location, or subject matter to hone in on pertinent materials. Examine Metadata and Annotations Pay close attention to the contextual information provided with each source. Annotations often highlight key details, explain archaic language, or suggest interpretive angles. Cross-Reference Multiple Sources To develop a well-rounded understanding, compare different types of documents related to your topic. For example, juxtapose a political speech with contemporary newspaper accounts and personal letters. Incorporate Visual and Audio Materials Where available, include photographs, maps, or audio recordings to enrich your analysis and provide multidimensional perspectives. Engage with Educational Resources Explore the lesson plans and teaching guides offered by Tarpeia to see how primary sources can be integrated into educational settings effectively. Document Your Sources Meticulously Maintain detailed citations and notes to ensure academic integrity and facilitate future reference. By following these steps, you will not only enhance the quality of your research but also cultivate a more immersive and critical engagement with history. The Broader Impact of Accessible Primary Source Databases The democratization of historical knowledge through platforms like Tarpeia carries profound implications beyond individual scholarship. By making primary sources widely accessible, such databases contribute to a more informed and engaged citizenry. They empower individuals to interrogate historical narratives, recognize the complexity of the past, and appreciate the diverse experiences that have shaped society. Moreover, these resources support the development of critical skills essential in the modern world: analytical reasoning, evidence-based argumentation, and media literacy. In an era marked by information overload and contested truths, the ability to consult original sources and assess their credibility is invaluable. From an educational perspective, the integration of primary sources into curricula fosters active learning and intellectual curiosity. It encourages students to become historians in their own right, constructing knowledge through direct interaction with the past rather than passive reception. In this light, the mission of Tarpeia to become the leading educational nonprofit for American history resonates deeply. By bridging the gap between archives and audiences, it nurtures a culture of historical inquiry that is both rigorous and accessible. Embracing the Future of Historical Research and Education As we stand at the intersection of technology and scholarship, the potential for historical source collections to transform research and education is immense. The tarpeia primary source database exemplifies this potential, offering a model of how digital platforms can honor the integrity of historical materials while expanding their reach. I encourage you to engage actively with such resources, to explore their depths with curiosity and discernment, and to contribute to the ongoing dialogue between past and present. In doing so, you participate in a vital endeavor - the preservation and illumination of our shared heritage. May your journey through historical source collections be both enlightening and inspiring, as you uncover the stories that continue to shape our world.

Deplorable Result of Lincoln's Election! As depicted by the Herald  and Express On the house top Horace Greeley is, of course, seen fiddling over the ruins of our beloved country. To the left you behold the pure-minded and upright J.G.B. shutting up shop preparatory to returning to his native land. Cows graze in Fulton Street. Desolation everywhere, and the world done for generally." [November 10, 1860] "This post-election Vanity Fair  cartoon shows the result of Lincoln’s election on two of the nation’s most politically important newspaper editors, Democrat James Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald  and Republican Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune . The artist pictures Bennett putting up the shutters on the Herald building in preparation for migration back to his native Scotland. The street scene in the background underscores the ruin that Lincoln’s election would bring. That theme is intensified in the final panel in which Greeley fiddles, à la Nero, while the country burns." Source: https://elections.harpweek.com/1860/cartoon-1860-large.asp?UniqueID=59&Year=1860

June 16, 1858, at the Illinois Republican convention "Mr. Lincoln spoke at the close of the Republican State Convention in Springfield, Illinois. On the previous day the Convention had taken the unprecedented move of naming Lincoln their candidate for the Senate [normally Senate candidates were chosen in January when the new legislature convened]. The speech was aimed at Senator Stephen A. Douglas and any Republicans who might think of supporting Douglas. Douglas was not present." Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention. If we could first know where  we are, and whither  we are tending, we could then better judge what  to do, and how  to do it. We are now far into the fifth  year, since a policy was initiated, with the avowed  object, and confident  promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only, not ceased , but has constantly augmented. In my  opinion, it will  not cease, until a crisis  shall have been reached, and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave  and half free . I do not expect the Union to be dissolved  -- I do not expect the house to fall  -- but I do  expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all  one thing or all  the other. Either the opponents  of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates  will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all  the States, old   as well as new  -- North  as well as South . Have we no tendency  to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination -- piece of machinery  so to speak -- compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what  work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well  adapted; but also, let him study the history  of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail,  if he can, to trace the evidence of design and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning. But, so far, Congress  only, had acted; and an indorsement  by the people, real  or apparent, was indispensable, to save  the point already gained, and give chance for more. The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by congressional prohibition. Four days later, commenced the struggle, which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty,"  otherwise called "sacred right of self government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one  man, choose to enslave another,  no third  man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or state, not to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter Sovereignty," and "Sacred right of self-government." "But," said opposition members, "let us be more specific  -- let us amend  the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the territory may exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment. While the Nebraska Bill was passing through congress, a law case  involving the question of a negroe's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free state and then a territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave, for a long time in each, was passing through the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negroe's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in the case. Before  the then  next Presidential election, the law case came to,  and was argued in,  the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision  of it was deferred until after  the election. Still, before   the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion   whether the people of a territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers: "That is a question for the Supreme Court." The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement,   such as it was, secured. That was the second  point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing  President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible, echoed back  upon the people the weight and authority  of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not  announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming  President, in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever might be.   Then, in a few days, came the decision. The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott Decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse  and strongly construe  that decision, and to express his astonishment  that any different view had ever been entertained. At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska Bill, on the mere  question of fact,  whether the Lecompton constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that squabble the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares  not whether slavery be voted down  or voted up.  I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition  of the policy  he would impress upon the public mind -- the principle   for which he declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle, is the only shred   left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding -- like the mould at the foundry served through one blast and fell back into loose sand -- helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint   struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point, the right of a people to make their own constitution, upon which he and the Republicans have never differed. The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Senator Douglas' "care-not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its present  state of advancement. This was the third point gained. \ The working  points of that machinery are: First, that no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave can ever be a citizen  of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of this provision of the United States Constitution, which declares that-- "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States." Secondly, that "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress  nor a Territorial Legislature  can exclude slavery from any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up  the territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency  to the institution through all the future. Thirdly, that whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State, makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to be pressed immediately;  but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed  by the people at an election, then  to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one, or one thousand  slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free State. Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate  and mould  public opinion, at least Northern  public opinion, to not care  whether slavery is voted down  or voted up . This shows exactly where we now are ; and partially , also, whither we are tending. It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now   appear less dark  and mysterious  than they did when  they were transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free" "subject only to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not then    see. Plainly enough now , it was an exactly fitted niche , for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in, and declare the perfect freedom   of the people, to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly declaring the right of the people to exclude slavery, voted down? Plainly enough now , the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. Why was the court decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual opinion withheld, till after  the presidential election? Plainly enough now , the speaking out then  would have damaged the "perfectly free"   argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the outgoing  President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance  exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look  like the cautious patting  and petting  of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after indorsements of the decision by the President and others? We can not absolutely know  that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places and by different workmen -- Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance -- and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few -- not omitting even scaffolding -- or, if a single piece be lacking, we can see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared to yet bring such piece in -- in such    a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan  or draft  drawn up before the first lick was struck. It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska Bill, the people of a State , as well as Territory,  were to be left "perfectly free" " subject only to the Constitution. " Why mention a State ? They were legislating for territories,  and not for  or about  States. Certainly the people of a State are   and ought  to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this lugged  into this merely territorial  law? Why are the people of a territory  and the people of a state  therein lumped  together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely  the same? While the opinion of the Court , by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States territory, they all omit  to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a state , or the people of a State, to exclude it. Possibly , this is a mere omission ; but who can be quite  sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a state  to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Macy sought to get such declaration, in behalf of the people of a territory, into the Nebraska bill -- I ask, who can be quite sure  that it would not have been voted down, in the one case, as it had been in the other. The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and almost  the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion his exact language is, "except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases  the power of the states  is so restrained by the U.S. Constitution, is left an open  question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the power of the territories   was left open in the Nebraska act. Put that  and that  together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a state  to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down  or voted up , shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision an be maintained when made. Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome, or unwelcome, such decision is  probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down  pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri   are on the verge of making their State free ; and we shall awake   to the reality , instead, that the Supreme  Court has made Illinois  a slave  State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. This is what  we have to do. But how  can we best do it? There are those who denounce us openly  to their own  friends, and yet whisper us softly , that Senator Douglas  is the aptest  instrument there is, with which to effect that object. They  wish us to infer  all, from the facts, that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us, on a single point, upon which, he and we, have never differed. They remind us that he  is a great man, and that the largest of us  are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a living  dog is better than a dead lion ." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion for this work, is at least a caged  and toothless  one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care  anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing  the "public heart" to care  nothing about it. A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas' superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He has not said so. Does he really  think so? But if it is, how can he resist it? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right   of white men to take negro slaves into the new territories. Can he possibly show that it is less  a sacred right to buy  them where they can be bought cheapest? And, unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa  than in Virginia . He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property ; and as such, how can he   oppose the foreign slave trade -- how can he refuse that trade in that "property" shall be "perfectly free" -- unless he does it as a protection  to the home production? And as the home producers   will probably not ask  the protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser to-day  than he was yesterday  -- that he may rightfully change  when he finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer  that he will   make any particular change, of which he, himself, has given no intimation? Can we safely  base our action upon any such vague  inference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent  Judge Douglas' position , question his motives , or do ought that can be personally offensive to him. Whenever, if ever , he and we can come together on principle   so that our great cause  may have assistance from his great ability , I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But clearly, he is not now  with us -- he does not pretend   to be -- he does not promise  to ever  be. Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by its own undoubted friends -- those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work -- who do care  for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant , and even, hostile  elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed  and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then  to falter  now? -- now -- when that same enemy is wavering,  dissevered and belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail -- if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise councils  may accelerate  or mistakes delay  it, but, sooner or later the victory is sure to come. Source: https://www.nps.gov/liho/learn/historyculture/housedivided.htm Abraham Lincoln ca. May 1858

Signed August 25, 1737 We, Teesshakomen, alias Tisheekunk, and Tootamis alias Nutimus, two of the Sachem's or Chiefs of the Delaware Indians, having, almost three Years ago, at Durham, begun a treaty with our honourable Brethren John and Thomas Penn, and from thence another Meeting was appointed to be at Pensbury, the next Spring Following, to which We repaired with Lappawinzoe and Several others of the Delaware Indians, At which Treaty Several Deeds were produced and Shewed to us by our said Bretheren, concerning Several Tracts of Land which our Forefathers had, more than fifty Years ago, Bargained and Sold unto our good Friend and Brother William Penn, the Father of the said John and Thomas Penn, and in particular one Deed from Mayhkeerickkishsho, Sayhoppy and Taughhaughsey, the Chiefs or Kings of the Northern Indians on Delaware, who, for large Quantities of Goods delivered by the Agents of William Penn, to those Indian Chiefs, did Bargain and Sell unto the said William Penn, All those Tract or Tracts of Land lying and being in the Province of Pennsylvania, Beginning upon a line formerly laid out from a Corner Spruce Tree by the River Delaware, about Makeerickkitton, and from thence running along the ledge or foot of the Mountains, West North West to a corner white Oak marked with the Letter P, Standing by the Indian Path that Leadeth to an Indian town called Playwickey, and from thence extending Westward to Neshameney Creek, from which said line the said Tract or Tracts therebyi Granted, doth extend itself back into the Woods as far as a Man can goe in one day and a helf, and bounded on the Westerly side with the Creek called Neshameny, or the most Westerly branch thereof, So far as the said Branch doth extend, and from thence by line to the utmost extent of the said one day and a half's Journey, and from thence to the aforesaid River Delaware, and from thence down the Several Courses of the said River to the first mentioned Spruce tree. And all this did likewise appear to be true by William Biles and Joseph Wood, who upon their Affirmations, did solemnly declare that they well remembred the Treaty held between the Agents of William Penn and those Indians. But some of our Old Men being then Absent, We requested of our Brethren John Penn and Thomas Penn, that We might have more time to Consult with our People concerning the same, which request being granted us, We have, after more than two Years since the Treaty at Pensbury, now come to Philadelphia, together with our chief Sachems Monochyhickan, and several of our Old Men, and upon a further Treaty held upon the same Subject, We Do Acknowledge Ourselves and every of Us, to be fully satisfyed that the above described Tract or Tracts of Land were truly Granted and Sold by the said Mayhkeericckkishsho, Sayhoppy, and Taughhaughsey, unto the said William Penn and his heirs, And for a further Confirmation thereof, We, the said Monockyhickan, Lappawinzoe, Tisheekunk, and Nutimus, Do, for ourselves and all other the Delaware Indians, fully, clearly and Absolutely Remise, Release, and forever Quit claim unto the said John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, All our Right Title, Interest, and pretentions whatsoever of , in, or to the said Tract or Tracts of Land, and every Part and Parcel thereof, So that neither We, or any of us, or our Children, shall or may at any time hereafter, have Challenge, Claim, or Demand any Right, Title or Interest, or any pretentions whatsoever of, in, or to the said Tract or Tracts of Land, or any Part thereof, but of and from the same shall be excluded, and forever Debarred. And We do hereby further Agree, that the extent of the said Tract or Tracts of Land shall be forthwith Walked, Travelled, or gone over by proper Persons to be appointed for that Purpose, According to the direction of the aforesaid Deed. In Witness whereof, We have hereunto set our hands and Seals, at Philadelphia, the Twenty-fifth day of the Month called August, in the Year, According to the English account, one thousand Seven hundred and thirty-seven. MANAWKYHICKON, his X markLAPPAWINZOE, his X markTEESHACOMIN, his X markNOOTIMUS his X mark The above Deed being read and explained to all the Indians at this Treaty, the following Persons, on behalf of themselves and all the other Indians now present, have agreed to Sign or put their Names to the same as Witnesses, in Token of their free and full consent to what the above named Monochyhickan, Llappawinzoe, Tisheekunk, and Nutimus, have signed and Sealed.Sealed, Subscribed and Delivered, Tameckapa, his X mark,In the presence of us, Oochqueahgtoe, his X mark, James Logan, Wayshaghinichon, his X mark, A. Hamilton, Nectotaylemet, his X mark, Rd. Assheton, Taarlichigh, his X mark, James Steel, Neeshalinicka, his X mark, Thomas Griffitt, Neepaheeiloman, alias Jo Tunum, his X mark, William Allen, Ayshaataghoe, alias Cornelius, his X mark, Thomas Freame, Aysolickon, his X mark John Georges, Chichagheway, his X mark James Hamilton, John Hans, his X mark Edward Shippen, Shawtagh, his X mark Wm. Logan, James Letort, Robt. Charles, James Steel, Jun., James Steel Bearefoot Brunson, Interpreter. Source: Pennsylvania Archives, First Series, Vol. 1, pp. 541-543.

Queen Anne's Declaration of War on Spain & France

Source: https://www.masshist.org/dorr/volume/4/sequence/389

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION Commission Made 11th June, 1776; Copy Made 15th November, 1777; Ratified 1st March, 1781 Replaced by the Constitution on June 21, 1788 To all to whom these Presents shall come, we the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting. Whereas the Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did on the fifteenth day of November in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventyseven, and in the Second Year of the Independence of America agree to certain articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia in the Words following, viz. “Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia. Article I. The stile of this confederacy shall be “The United States of America.” Article II. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled. Article III. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them. If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall upon demand of the Governor or Executive power, of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offence. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each State, to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committee of the States. In determining questions in the United States, in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court, or place out of Congress, and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Article VI. No State without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conferrence, agreement, alliance or treaty with any king prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince or foreign state; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress, to the courts of France and Spain. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defence of such State, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State, in time of peace, except such number only, as in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such State; but every State shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage. No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted: nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article VII. When land-forces are raised by any State for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. Article IX. The United States in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article—of sending and receiving ambassadors—entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever—of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated—of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace—appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names as Congress shall direct, shall in the presence of Congress be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them, shall be commisioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons, which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be appointed, in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be tried, “well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favour, affection or hope of reward:” provided also that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined as near as may be in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States. The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States.—fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States.—regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States, provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated—establishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing thro’ the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office—appointing all officers of the land forces, in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers—appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States—making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated “a Committee of the States,” and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction—to appoint one of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses—to borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted,—to build and equip a navy—to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men and cloath, arm and equip them in a soldier like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled: but if the United States in Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circumstances judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number of men than the quota therof, such extra number shall be number of men that the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, cloathed, armed and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise officer, cloath, arm and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same: nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military operations, as in their judgment requiry secresy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question shall be military operations, as in their judgment require secresy; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States. Article X. The committe of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. Article XI. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union: but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed and debts contracted by, or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States, and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. Article XIII. Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State. And whereas it has pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union. Know ye that we the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained: and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said confederation are submitted to them. And that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we re[s]pectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia in the State of Pennsylvania the ninth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. On the part & behalf of the State of New Hampshire JOSIAH BARTLETT, JOHN WENTWORTH, Junr., August 8th, 1778. On the part and behalf of the State of Massachusetts Bay JOHN HANCOCK, FRANCIS DANA, SAMUEL ADAMS, JAMES LOVELL, ELBRIDGE GERRY, SAMUEL HOLTEN. On the part and behalf of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations WILLIAM ELLERY, JOHN COLLINS. HENRY MARCHANT, On the part and behalf of the State of Connecticut ROGER SHERMAN, TITUS HOSMER, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, ANDREW ADAMS. OLIVER WOLCOTT, On the part and behalf of the State of New York JAS. DUANE, WM. DUER, FRA. LEWIS, GOUV. MORRIS. On the part and in behalf of the State of New Jersey, Nov. 26, 1778 JNO. WITHERSPOON, NATHL. SCUDDER. On the part and behalf of the State of Pennsylvania ROBT. MORRIS, WILLIAM CLINGAN, DANIEL ROBERDEAU, JOSEPH REED, 22d July, 1778. JONA. BAYARD SMITH, On the part & behalf of the State of Delaware THO. M’KEAN, Feby. 12, 1779. NICHOLAS VAN DYKE. JOHN DICKINSON, May 5th, 1779. On the part and behalf of the State of Maryland JOHN HANSON, March 1, 1781. DANIEL CARROLL, Mar. 1, 1781. On the part and behalf of the State of Virginia RICHARD HENRY LEE, JNO. HARVIE, JOHN BANISTER, FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. THOMAS ADAMS, On the part and behalf of the State of No. Carolina JOHN PENN, July 21st, 1778. JNO. WILLIAMS. CORNS. HARNETT, On the part & behalf of the State of South Carolina HENRY LAURENS, RICHD. HUTSON, WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON, THOS. HEYWARD, Junr. JNO. MATHEWS, On the part & behalf of the State of Georgia JNO. WALTON, 24th July, 1778. EDWD. TELFAIR, EDWD. LANGWORTHY. Source: The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and other Organic Laws of the States and Territories now or heretofore forming the United States of America, compiled and edited by Francis Newton Thorpe (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1909). Vol. I United States-Alabama-District of Columbia. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/thorpe-the-federal-and-state-constitutions-vol-i-united-states-alabama-district-of-columbia#lf1514-01_head_129

[Morristown, 25 January 1777] By his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON , Esq; General and Commander in Chief of all the forces of the United States of America.      PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS several persons, inhabitants of the United States of America, influenced by inimical motives, intimidated by the threats of the enemy, or deluded by a Proclamation issued the 30th of November last, by Lord and General Howe, 1 stiled the King’s Commissioners for granting pardons, &c. (now at open war and invading these states) have been so lost to the interest and welfare of their country, as to repair to the enemy, sign a declaration of fidelity, and, in some instances, have been compelled to take oaths of allegiance, and to engage not to take up arms, or encourage others so to do, against the King of Great-Britain. And whereas it has become necessary to distinguish between the friends of America and those of Great-Britain, inhabitants of these States, and that every man who receives a protection from and is a subject of any State (not being conscientiously scrupulous against bearing arms) should stand ready to defend the same against every hostile invasion, I do therefore, in behalf of the United States, by virtue of the powers committed to me by Congress, hereby strictly command and require every person, having subscribed such declaration, taken such oaths, and accepted protection and certificates from Lord or General Howe, or any person acting under their authority, forthwith to repair to Head-Quarters, or to the quarters of the nearest general officer of the Continental Army or Militia (until farther provision can be made by the civil authority) and there deliver up such protections, certificates, and passports, and take the oath of allegiance to the United States of America. Nevertheless, hereby granting full liberty to all such as prefer the interest and protection of Great-Britain to the freedom and happiness of their country, forthwith to withdraw themselves and families within the enemy’s lines. And I do hereby declare that all and every person, who may neglect or refuse to comply with this order, within thirty days from the date hereof, will be deemed adherents to the King of Great-Britain, and treated as common enemies of the American States. Given at Heard-Quarters, Morris-Town , January 25, 1777. GEORGE WASHINGTON. By his Excellency’s command , Robert H. Harrison, Secretary . Source: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-08-02-0160

Prohibitory Act