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Thank you, Lyndon. Ladies and gentlemen, we are meeting tonight in old Faneuil Hall, which is the cradle of American liberty. Here in this hall, men and women met days before the American Revolution to work for freedom. The 13 steps behind me celebrate the 13 nations and States that first signed the Constitution. Here in this old part of Boston, which my grandfather represented once in Congress 60 years ago and which I represented first as a young Congressman 14 years ago, we hold our last meeting of this campaign. Our work is now over, and tomorrow you must make your judgment. Your judgment of what you want your country to do, your judgment of what you want your country to be. I want to present to you for just a few minutes some of the highlights of this campaign that has taken us to all parts of the country. I think it shows something about America. It shows something about what America can do and what America must be. Perhaps the most exciting was whistlestopping through the valleys of California, way back in September. This is the meeting of the Houston ministers at Houston, where they were kind enough to invite me, when we discussed the so-called religious issue of this campaign. I believe in America where a separation of church and state is absolute. Where no Catholic prelate can tell the President, should he be Catholic, how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners how to vote. Where no church or church school is granted public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him. I believe in America. It is officially neither Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish. Where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or public acts of its officials. Where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all. This is the kind of America I believe in, and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then we might have had a divided liberty or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the, I quote, "the freedoms for which our forefathers died." If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole Nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world. In the eyes of history and in the eyes of our own people. But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency, practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation I can, and I quote, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, so help me God." Despite the fact that it was a rainy afternoon, the National Plowing Contest in South Dakota gave me a chance to give my views on our No. 1 domestic agricultural problem. (Bad audio.) * and wait every month for surplus food packages from our Government. There are 4 million Americans in this country who wait every mouth for a package from our Government of surplus food. You wouldn't believe what is in that package. Some grain, some rice, and this summer the Department of Agriculture is adding lard. These aren't just people living in India or Latin America. They are fellow Americans. Some thrown out of work, many of them sick, many of them with families, and here's this country which stores food and lets it rot on occasion. We can't find enough good food to send our own people. Some say the turning point of this campaign might have come with the first of the four nationally televised debates. I don't want historians 10 years from now to say that the tide ran out. No; I want them to say that these were the years the tide came in. These were the years when the United States started to move again. Thus: the question before the American people - and only you can decide what you want, what you want this country to be, what you want to do with your future. I think we are ready to move. And it is to that great task that, if we are successful, we will address ourselves. War is a moving experience. To speak from the house where Franklin Roosevelt often stayed and where he died. The "Little White House" in Warm Springs, Ga. Franklin Roosevelt was the champion of the aged, and of children, and the handicapped, and the friend of those who have been forgotten, of those who have not been remembered, of those who have needed a helping hand, and of those who needed a good neighbor. There is still unfinished business before us in the field of health. There are still over 18 million Americans who live out their lives without assistance, without any recognition of the great problem that they face in the field of health. This campaign, like all the rest, reached a climax of party spirit in the final week. Even a driving rain could not dampen the torchlight parade in New York. This is the campaign and it's now come to an end. I think this old hall reminds us of how far we've been as Americans and what we must do in the future. This painting behind me is of the first Thanksgiving, December 13, way back. It was painted in 1821, and of course it was of the first Thanksgiving in the Plymouth Colony. They had had a long, hard experience. Many had died. And yet the first harvest came in, they gave thanks to the Lord for His generosity to them. It reminds us of our great history, of what our people have been willing to do in order to build our society. There's another picture on the wall from the Battle of Bunker Hill. The Battle of Bunker Hill which was one of the key battles of the American Revolution, was fought only a few hundred yards from this old building. This is a great country. It has passed through many trials and tribulations and it has emerged in 1960 as the most powerful single country in the world, as the greatest hope for freedom of the world. It is our function now in our generation in the 1960's to keep it that way, to make sure that this country meets its responsibilities, to make sure that we stand as the sentinel at the gate for the cause of freedom around the world. If we succeed, freedom succeeds. If we fail, freedom fails. That is the sober and awesome responsibility which events and our own choice have put upon our shoulders. I believe that we can fulfill our function. I believe we can maintain our position as the hope of freedom. I believe that we can check the Communist advance, that we can turn it back, and that we can, in this century, provide for the ultimate victory of freedom over slavery. That is our job and I believe that that can best be done if we build in this country a strong and vital society. Our prestige in the world, our strength in the world, our influence in the world - all of these are directly related to the strength, energy, and drive of the United States itself. This is the place where we must start. The next President of the United States must go to Washington and get this country working again. We must provide opportunity for our people. We must provide with their help employment for our people. We can't possibly maintain our own freedom and the freedom of others when we work part time, when we use our steel capacity 50 percent, when we build - as we built this month - 30 percent less homes than a year ago. We have to provide education for our children - the best there is. We have to make sure that talented boys and girls - and nearly 35 percent of our brightest who graduate from high school today never see the inside of a college - we want to make sure they have a chance to develop their talent. We want to make sure that our older citizens have a chance to protect themselves - they have a chance to live out their life in dignity and security under a medical care plan tied to social security. We want to make sure that the great abundance that American farmers have brought to us is used as a blessing around the world. This is a blessing from the Lord. He has been generous to us and we have to make sure that we use all that we have. This is the choice, then, in 1960. Shall we go forward? Shall we move with the times? Shall we progress again in the United States? Shall we stand as the great symbol of freedom around the world, or shall we sit still? Shall we lie at anchor? In my judgment, that is the question that separates the Republican and the Democratic Parties in 1960, as it did in 1932 in the election of Franklin Roosevelt, as it did in 1912 with the election of Woodrow Wilson. I believe we must go forward. You have to decide what you think. Are you satisfied with things as they are? Do you feel we must do better? Do you feel that we have to do better in the sixties? Do you feel that we have to go to work and build this country of ours stronger than it's ever been, more powerful than it's ever been, more dedicated to peace than it's ever been? I believe we should. And I come tonight and ask you to give me the opportunity to serve in this high office, this most responsible office, so that we can once more start on the forward road. My wife could not campaign with me this year because she is having a baby in 3 weeks, so that I haven't seen her very much, or my daughter, and she couldn't be with me here today because she has to stay home and relax. But she is home and I am now going to let you say hello to her. Hello, Jackie. We're switching over to you. Mrs. KENNEDY. Jack, I've enjoyed watching this program tonight. I only wish I could have been there with you at the end of this longest and busiest day for you and the end of the long road that we've traveled together since the primaries in January. The doctor wouldn't let me leave Hyannis Port tonight so I'll be here until tomorrow morning at 6:30 when I drive to Boston to join you en route. I wouldn't miss that for anything. And then we'll have you back with us at least to wait out the election returns together. One of my happiest memories of this campaign has been all of the people who have believed in you, who worked so hard and helped so much. I want to thank all of you who are listening tonight and tell you that we'll never be able to repay our debt to you, and that it is you that we thank tonight with gratitude. Before we go back to Faneuil Hall, there have been so many thousands of messages of support received within the past few days we're going to show you just a few of them that have been recorded on film. (Filmed sequence:) Mr. Kennedy, I am going to vote for you because I do not like Secretary Benson and I feel like if I should vote otherwise, we will still have to put up with him for another 4 years and I just don't want him in there. He's not a man for the job. I am voting for Senator Kennedy because I think he's a much greater statesman than Vice President Nixon. I am voting for Senator Kennedy because I have always been a Democrat and I think it's time for a change. Mrs. Burton, Whittier, Calif., Mr. Nixon's hometown. I am voting for Jack Kennedy because of his background, his education, his intelligence, and his stability. I am going to vote for Senator Kennedy because I want to get this country off a dead center. I want to make this country move both domestically and regain our lost prestige abroad. I am a good Democrat and I'm going to vote for Jack Kennedy because I think he is entitled to the office at this time. He is a brilliant, outstanding man and the United States needs a great leader such as I believe that he can give to the United States. I am voting for Jack Kennedy and my dad made the mistake in 1928 or voting for a Republican the first time. I am not going to be cheated in this election for voting for the Republican Party. I am going to vote for Senator Kennedy because he is a sincere, conscientious man and I think will make one of the greatest Presidents of my time. Well, I think the reason that I am voting for Senator Kennedy is because of my tremendous faith in the American people. In our whole history we have seemed to inevitably choosen the right man for the right time. We have had weak times and weak Presidents. But always it has been the man we have named, at that time. These are the days when we need strength and courage. We need inspiration, directed courage and supervision. These we have in Senator Kennedy. This is what America needs. This is why I must vote for Senator Kennedy. Mr. KENNEDY. Ladies and gentlemen, I want to thank all of you for your kindness in coming tonight. Nearly all of you were present when I was elected to Congress 14 years ago, and I'm delighted that you're present tonight as this campaign of 1960 goes into history. We are meeting in the old hall which was the scene of Otis' speeches and Samuel Adams which led up to the American Revolution. Behind me are three statues of three distinguished citizens of this State who served their country - President John Adams, his son, President John Quincy Adams, and Senator Daniel Webster from our State of Massachusetts. All of the past tells us something about the future. I've traveled all over the United States - been to 50 States in the last month - and I must say I come back to this old city with the strongest possible confidence in the future of the United States, in the ability of its people to meet its responsibilities, to bear our burdens, to strengthen our cause, to identify ourselves and others with the cause of freedom around the world. In 1860, in the campaign a hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln said the issue was whether this Nation could exist half slave and half free. Now 100 years later, the question is will the world exist half slave and half free or will it move in the direction of freedom? Or will it move in the direction of slavery? I believe it will move in the direction of freedom. And I believe that this is especially true if we here in the United States begin to move again. The challenge of 1960, of 1961, 1962, 1963, and 1964 is whether or not the people of the United States are determined to move forward again; to build a stronger, more progressive, more vigorous society; to demonstrate what freedom can really do; to serve as an ornament to the cause of freedom around the world; to send the most talented men and women we have in the country to service in Washington, to represent us all over the world as spokesmen for freedom, as well as spokesmen for the United States. I believe we can do these things. I believe we can build a strong and productive society that employs our people, educates our children, provides security for our aged and opportunity for all. That is the responsibility of all of us, and it is especially the responsibility of the next President of the United States to set before our country the unfinished business of our society. This campaign is now over. The responsibility has ceased to be ours who are candidates and it is now yours, the citizens of this great Republic. You must make your judgment between sitting and moving. This is a race not merely between two parties, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, or between two candidates. It is a race between the comfortable and the concerned. Those who are willing to sit and lie at anchor and those who want to go forward. This country has developed as it is. We are here tonight because in other great periods of crisis we have chosen to go forward. And I am confident tomorrow in 1960, November 8, this country will once again choose progress, this country will once again choose to go forward, this country will once again choose to go to work to build a strong society here and to build a peaceful and productive world. That is our responsibility and that is our opportunity, and the judgment now is yours - the citizens of this country. Source: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/speech-senator-john-f-kennedy-boston-ma-faneuil-hall

Indian Removal Act (1830)  May 28, 1830 An Act to provide for an exchange of lands with the Indians residing in any of the states or territories, and for their removal west of the river Mississippi. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That it shall and may be lawful for the President of the United States to cause so much of any territory belonging to the United States, west of the river Mississippi, not included in any state or organized territory, and to which the Indian title has been extinguished, as he may judge necessary, to be divided into a suitable number of districts, for the reception of such tribes or nations of Indians as may choose to exchange the lands where they now reside, and remove there; and to cause each of said districts to be so described by natural or artificial marks, as to be easily distinguished from every other. Sec. 2 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to exchange any or all of such districts, so to be laid off and described, with any tribe or nation of Indians now residing within the limits of any of the states or territories, and with which the United States have existing treaties, for the whole or any part or portion of the territory claimed and occupied by such tribe or nation, within the bounds of any one or more of the states or territories, where the land claimed and occupied by the Indians, is owned by the United States, or the United States are bound to the state within which it lies to extinguish the Indian claim thereto. Sec. 3 And be it further enacted, That in the making of any such exchange or exchanges, it shall and may be lawful for the President solemnly to assure the tribe or nation with which the exchange is made, that the United States will forever secure and guarantee to them, and their heirs or successors, the country so exchanged with them; and if they prefer it, that the United States will cause a patent or grant to be made and executed to them for the same: Provided always, That such lands shall revert to the United States, if the Indians become extinct, or abandon the same. Sec. 4 And be it further enacted, That if, upon any of the lands now occupied by the Indians, and to be exchanged for, there should be such improvements as add value to the land claimed by any individual or individuals of such tribes or nations, it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such value to be ascertained by appraisement or otherwise, and to cause such ascertained value to be paid to the person or persons rightfully claiming such improvements. And upon the payment of such valuation, the improvements so valued and paid for, shall pass to the United States, and possession shall not afterwards be permitted to any of the same tribe. Sec. 5 And be it further enacted, That upon the making of any such exchange as is contemplated by this act, it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such aid and assistance to be furnished to the emigrants as may be necessary and proper to enable them to remove to, and settle in, the country for which they may have exchanged; and also, to give them such aid and assistance as may be necessary for their support and subsistence for the first year after their removal. Sec. 6 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such tribe or nation to be protected, at their new residence, against all interruption or disturbance from any other tribe or nation of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever. Sec. 7 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to have the same superintendence and care over any tribe or nation in the country to which they may remove, as contemplated by this act, that he is now authorized to have over them at their present places of residence: Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed as authorizing or directing the violation of any existing treaty between the United States and any of the Indian tribes. Sec. 8 And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of this act, the sum of five hundred thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated. Taken from: The Cherokee Removal: A Brief History With Documents. Edited by Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995: p.116-7.

Thank you very much. Good evening, my fellow Americans. I appreciate so very much the opportunity to speak with you tonight. Mr. Speaker, Lieutenant Governor, friends, distinguished guests, our country has been through a long and trying period, with the outcome of the presidential election not finalized for longer than any of us could ever imagine. Vice President Gore and I put our hearts and hopes into our campaigns. We both gave it our all. We shared similar emotions, so I understand how difficult this moment must be for Vice President Gore and his family. He has a distinguished record of service to our country as a congressman, a senator and a vice president. This evening I received a gracious call from the vice president. We agreed to meet early next week in Washington, and we agreed to do our best to heal our country after this hard-fought contest. Tonight I want to thank all the thousands of volunteers and campaign workers who worked so hard on my behalf. I also salute the vice president and his supports for waging a spirited campaign. And I thank him for a call that I know was difficult to make. Laura and I wish the vice president and Senator Lieberman and their families the very best. I have a lot to be thankful for tonight. I'm thankful for America and thankful that we were able to resolve our electoral differences in a peaceful way. I'm thankful to the American people for the great privilege of being able to serve as your next president. I want to thank my wife and our daughters for their love. Laura's active involvement as first lady has made Texas a better place, and she will be a wonderful first lady of America. I am proud to have Dick Cheney by my side, and America will be proud to have him as our next vice president. Tonight, I chose to speak from the chamber of the Texas House of Representatives because it has been a home to bipartisan cooperation. Here in a place where Democrats have the majority, Republicans and Democrats have worked together to do what is right for the people we represent. We've had spirited disagreements. And in the end, we found constructive consensus. It is an experience I will always carry with me, an example I will always follow. I want to thank my friend, House Speaker Pete Laney, a Democrat, who introduced me today. I want to thank the legislators from both political parties with whom I've worked. Across the hall in our Texas capitol is the state Senate. And I cannot help but think of our mutual friend, the former Democrat lieutenant governor, Bob Bullock. His love for Texas and his ability to work in a bipartisan way continue to be a model for all of us. The spirit of cooperation I have seen in this hall is what is needed in Washington, D.C. It is the challenge of our moment. After a difficult election, we must put politics behind us and work together to make the promise of America available for every one of our citizens. I'm optimistic that we can change the tone in Washington, D.C.I believe things happen for a reason, and I hope the long wait of the last five weeks will heighten a desire to move beyond the bitterness and partisanship of the recent past. Our nation must rise above a house divided. Americans share hopes and goals and values far more important than any political disagreements. Republicans want the best for our nation, and so do Democrats. Our votes may differ, but not our hopes. I know America wants reconciliation and unity. I know Americans want progress. And we must seize this moment and deliver. Together, guided by a spirit of common sense, common courtesy and common goals, we can unite and inspire the American citizens. Together, we will work to make all our public schools excellent, teaching every student of every background and every accent, so that no child is left behind. Together, we will save Social Security and renew its promise of a secure retirement for generations to come. Together, we will strengthen Medicare and offer prescription drug coverage to all of our seniors. Together, we will give Americans the broad, fair, and fiscally responsible tax relief they deserve. Together, we'll have a bipartisan foreign policy true to our values and true to our friends, and we will have a military equal to every challenge and superior to every adversary. Together, we will address some of society's deepest problems one person at a time, by encouraging and empowering the good hearts and good works of the American people.This is the essence of compassionate conservatism and it will be a foundation of my administration. These priorities are not merely Republican concerns or Democratic concerns; they are American responsibilities. During the fall campaign, we differed about the details of these proposals, but there was remarkable consensus about the important issues before us: excellent schools, retirement and health security, tax relief, a strong military, a more civil society. We have discussed our differences. Now it is time to find common ground and build consensus to make America a beacon of opportunity in the 21st century. I'm optimistic this can happen. Our future demands it and our history proves it. Two hundred years ago, in the election of 1800, America faced another close presidential election. A tie in the Electoral College put the outcome into the hands of Congress.After six days of voting and 36 ballots, the House of Representatives elected Thomas Jefferson the third president of the United States. That election brought the first transfer of power from one party to another in our new democracy. Shortly after the election, Jefferson, in a letter titled "Reconciliation and Reform," wrote this: "The steady character of our countrymen is a rock to which we may safely moor; unequivocal in principle, reasonable in manner. We should be able to hope to do a great deal of good to the cause of freedom and harmony. "Two hundred years have only strengthened the steady character of America. And so as we begin the work of healing our nation, tonight I call upon that character: respect for each other, respect for our differences, generosity of spirit, and a willingness to work hard and work together to solve any problem. I have something else to ask you, to ask every American. I ask for you to pray for this great nation. I ask for your prayers for leaders from both parties. I thank you for your prayers for me and my family, and I ask you to pray for Vice President Gore and his family. I have faith that with God's help we as a nation will move forward together as one nation, indivisible. And together we will create an America that is open, so every citizen has access to the American dream; an America that is educated, so every child has the keys to realize that dream; and an America that is united in our diversity and our shared American values that are larger than race or party. I was not elected to serve one party, but to serve one nation. The president of the United States is the president of every single American, of every race and every background. Whether you voted for me or not, I will do my best to serve your interests and I will work to earn your respect. I will be guided by President Jefferson's sense of purpose, to stand for principle, to be reasonable in manner, and above all, to do great good for the cause of freedom and harmony. The presidency is more than an honor. It is more than an office. It is a charge to keep, and I will give it my all. Thank you very much and God bless America. Source: https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/gwbush2000victoryspeech.htm

861.00/2 - 2246: Telegram The Charge in the Soviet Union (Kennan) to the Secretary of State SECRET Moscow, February 22, 1946--9 p.m. [Received February 22--3: 52 p.m.] 511. Answer to Dept's 284, Feb 3 [13] involves questions so intricate, so delicate, so strange to our form of thought, and so important to analysis of our international environment that I cannot compress answers into single brief message without yielding to what I feel would be dangerous degree of over-simplification. I hope, therefore, Dept will bear with me if I submit in answer to this question five parts, subjects of which will be roughly as follows:           (1) Basic features of post-war Soviet outlook.          (2) Background of this outlook           (3) Its projection in practical policy on official level.           (4) Its projection on unofficial level.          (5) Practical deductions from standpoint of US policy. I apologize in advance for this burdening of telegraphic channel; but questions involved are of such urgent importance, particularly in view of recent events, that our answers to them, if they deserve attention at all, seem to me to deserve it at once. There follows Part 1: Basic Features of Post War Soviet Outlook, as Put Forward by Official Propaganda Machine Are as Follows:      (a) USSR still lives in antagonistic "capitalist encirclement" with which in the long run there can be no permanent peaceful coexistence. As stated by Stalin in 1927 to a delegation of American workers: "In course of further development of international revolution there will emerge two centers of world significance: a socialist center, drawing to itself the countries which tend toward socialism, and a capitalist center, drawing to itself the countries that incline toward capitalism. Battle between these two centers for command of world economy will decide fate of capitalism and of communism in entire world." (b) Capitalist world is beset with internal conflicts, inherent in nature of capitalist society. These conflicts are insoluble by means of peaceful compromise. Greatest of them is that between England and US. (c) Internal conflicts of capitalism inevitably generate wars. Wars thus generated may be of two kinds: intra-capitalist wars between two capitalist states, and wars of intervention against socialist world. Smart capitalists, vainly seeking escape from inner conflicts of capitalism, incline toward latter. (d) Intervention against USSR, while it would be disastrous to those who undertook it, would cause renewed delay in progress of Soviet socialism and must therefore be forestalled at all costs. (e) Conflicts between capitalist states, though likewise fraught with danger for USSR, nevertheless hold out great possibilities for advancement of socialist cause, particularly if USSR remains militarily powerful, ideologically monolithic and faithful to its present brilliant leadership. (f) It must be borne in mind that capitalist world is not all bad. In addition to hopelessly reactionary and bourgeois elements, it includes (1) certain wholly enlightened and positive elements united in acceptable communistic parties and (2) certain other elements (now described for tactical reasons as progressive or democratic) whose reactions, aspirations and activities happen to be "objectively" favorable to interests of USSR These last must be encouraged and utilized for Soviet purposes. (g) Among negative elements of bourgeois-capitalist society, most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends of the people, namely moderate-socialist or social-democratic leaders (in other words, non-Communist left-wing). These are more dangerous than out-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least march under their true colors, whereas moderate left-wing leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to seine interests of reactionary capital.      So much for premises. To what deductions do they lead from standpoint of Soviet policy? To following: (a) Everything must be done to advance relative strength of USSR as factor in international society. Conversely, no opportunity most be missed to reduce strength and influence, collectively as well as individually, of capitalist powers. (b) Soviet efforts, and those of Russia's friends abroad, must be directed toward deepening and exploiting of differences and conflicts between capitalist powers. If these eventually deepen into an "imperialist" war, this war must be turned into revolutionary upheavals within the various capitalist countries.      (c) "Democratic-progressive" elements abroad are to be utilized to maximum to bring pressure to bear on capitalist governments along lines agreeable to Soviet interests.     (d) Relentless battle must be waged against socialist and social-democratic leaders abroad. Part 2: Background of Outlook       Before examining ramifications of this party line in practice there are certain aspects of it to which I wish to draw attention. First, it does not represent natural outlook of Russian people. Latter are, by and large, friendly to outside world, eager for experience of it, eager to measure against it talents they are conscious of possessing, eager above all to live in peace and enjoy fruits of their own labor. Party line only represents thesis which official propaganda machine puts forward with great skill and persistence to a public often remarkably resistant in the stronghold of its innermost thoughts. But party line is binding for outlook and conduct of people who make up apparatus of power--party, secret police and Government--and it is exclusively with these that we have to deal. Second, please note that premises on which this party line is based are for most part simply not true. Experience has shown that peaceful and mutually profitable coexistence of capitalist and socialist states is entirely possible. Basic internal conflicts in advanced countries are no longer primarily those arising out of capitalist ownership of means of production, but are ones arising from advanced urbanism and industrialism as such, which Russia has thus far been spared not by socialism but only by her own backwardness. Internal rivalries of capitalism do not always generate wars; and not all wars are attributable to this cause. To speak of possibility of intervention against USSR today, after elimination of Germany and Japan and after example of recent war, is sheerest nonsense. If not provoked by forces of intolerance and subversion "capitalist" world of today is quite capable of living at peace with itself and with Russia. Finally, no sane person has reason to doubt sincerity of moderate socialist leaders in Western countries. Nor is it fair to deny success of their efforts to improve conditions for working population whenever, as in Scandinavia, they have been given chance to show what they could do. Falseness of those premises, every one of which predates recent war, was amply demonstrated by that conflict itself Anglo-American differences did not turn out to be major differences of Western World. Capitalist countries, other than those of Axis, showed no disposition to solve their differences by joining in crusade against USSR. Instead of imperialist war turning into civil wars and revolution, USSR found itself obliged to fight side by side with capitalist powers for an avowed community of aim.       Nevertheless, all these theses, however baseless and disproven, are being boldly put forward again today. What does this indicate? It indicates that Soviet party line is not based on any objective analysis of situation beyond Russia's borders; that it has, indeed, little to do with conditions outside of Russia; that it arises mainly from basic inner-Russian necessities which existed before recent war and exist today. At bottom of Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is traditional and instinctive Russian sense of insecurity. Originally, this was insecurity of a peaceful agricultural people trying to live on vast exposed plain in neighborhood of fierce nomadic peoples. To this was added, as Russia came into contact with economically advanced West, fear of more competent, more powerful, more highly organized societies in that area. But this latter type of insecurity was one which afflicted rather Russian rulers than Russian people; for Russian rulers have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively archaic in form fragile and artificial in its psychological foundation, unable to stand comparison or contact with political systems of Western countries. For this reason they have always feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between Western world and their own, feared what would happen if Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners learned truth about world within. And they have learned to seek security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it. It was no coincidence that Marxism, which had smoldered ineffectively for half a century in Western Europe, caught hold and blazed for first time in Russia. Only in this land which had never known a friendly neighbor or indeed any tolerant equilibrium of separate powers, either internal or international, could a doctrine thrive which viewed economic conflicts of society as insoluble by peaceful means. After establishment of Bolshevist regime, Marxist dogma, rendered even more truculent and intolerant by Lenin's interpretation, became a perfect vehicle for sense of insecurity with which Bolsheviks, even more than previous Russian rulers, were afflicted. In this dogma, with its basic altruism of purpose, they found justification for their instinctive fear of outside world, for the dictatorship without which they did not know how to rule, for cruelties they did not dare not to inflict, for sacrifice they felt bound to demand. In the name of Marxism they sacrificed every single ethical value in their methods and tactics. Today they cannot dispense with it. It is fig leaf of their moral and intellectual respectability. Without it they would stand before history, at best, as only the last of that long succession of cruel and wasteful Russian rulers who have relentlessly forced country on to ever new heights of military power in order to guarantee external security of their internally weak regimes. This is why Soviet purposes most always be solemnly clothed in trappings of Marxism, and why no one should underrate importance of dogma in Soviet affairs. Thus Soviet leaders are driven [by?] necessities of their own past and present position to put forward which [apparent omission] outside world as evil, hostile and menacing, but as bearing within itself germs of creeping disease and destined to be wracked with growing internal convulsions until it is given final Coup de grace by rising power of socialism and yields to new and better world. This thesis provides justification for that increase of military and police power of Russian state, for that isolation of Russian population from outside world, and for that fluid and constant pressure to extend limits of Russian police power which are together the natural and instinctive urges of Russian rulers. Basically this is only the steady advance of uneasy Russian nationalism, a centuries old movement in which conceptions of offense and defense are inextricably confused. But in new guise of international Marxism, with its honeyed promises to a desperate and war torn outside world, it is more dangerous and insidious than ever before. It should not be thought from above that Soviet party line is necessarily disingenuous and insincere on part of all those who put it forward. Many of them are too ignorant of outside world and mentally too dependent to question [apparent omission] self-hypnotism, and who have no difficulty making themselves believe what they find it comforting and convenient to believe. Finally we have the unsolved mystery as to who, if anyone, in this great land actually receives accurate and unbiased information about outside world. In atmosphere of oriental secretiveness and conspiracy which pervades this Government, possibilities for distorting or poisoning sources and currents of information are infinite. The very disrespect of Russians for objective truth--indeed, their disbelief in its existence--leads them to view all stated facts as instruments for furtherance of one ulterior purpose or another. There is good reason to suspect that this Government is actually a conspiracy within a conspiracy; and I for one am reluctant to believe that Stalin himself receives anything like an objective picture of outside world. Here there is ample scope for the type of subtle intrigue at which Russians are past masters. Inability of foreign governments to place their case squarely before Russian policy makers--extent to which they are delivered up in their relations with Russia to good graces of obscure and unknown advisors whom they never see and cannot influence--this to my mind is most disquieting feature of diplomacy in Moscow, and one which Western statesmen would do well to keep in mind if they would understand nature of difficulties encountered here. Part 3: Projection of Soviet Outlook in Practical Policy on Official Level       We have now seen nature and background of Soviet program. What may we expect by way of its practical implementation?       Soviet policy, as Department implies in its query under reference, is conducted on two planes: (1) official plane represented by actions undertaken officially in name of Soviet Government; and (2) subterranean plane of actions undertaken by agencies for which Soviet Government does not admit responsibility. Policy promulgated on both planes will be calculated to serve basic policies (a) to (d) outlined in part 1. Actions taken on different planes will differ considerably, but will dovetail into each other in purpose, timing and effect.      On official plane we must look for following: (a) Internal policy devoted to increasing in every way strength and prestige of Soviet state: intensive military-industrialization; maximum development of armed forces; great displays to impress outsiders; continued secretiveness about internal matters, designed to conceal weaknesses and to keep opponents in dark. (b) Wherever it is considered timely and promising, efforts will be made to advance official limits of Soviet power. For the moment, these efforts are restricted to certain neighboring points conceived of here as being of immediate strategic necessity, such as Northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bornholm However, other points may at any time come into question, if and as concealed Soviet political power is extended to new areas. Thus a "friendly Persian Government might be asked to grant Russia a port on Persian Gulf. Should Spain fall under Communist control, question of Soviet base at Gibraltar Strait might be activated. But such claims will appear on official level only when unofficial preparation is complete. (c) Russians will participate officially in international organizations where they see opportunity of extending Soviet power or of inhibiting or diluting power of others. Moscow sees in UNO not the mechanism for a permanent and stable world society founded on mutual interest and aims of all nations, but an arena in which aims just mentioned can be favorably pursued. As long as UNO is considered here to serve this purpose, Soviets will remain with it. But if at any time they come to conclusion that it is serving to embarrass or frustrate their aims for power expansion and if they see better prospects for pursuit of these aims along other lines, they will not hesitate to abandon UNO. This would imply, however, that they felt themselves strong enough to split unity of other nations by their withdrawal to render UNO ineffective as a threat to their aims or security, replace it with an international weapon more effective from their viewpoint. Thus Soviet attitude toward UNO will depend largely on loyalty of other nations to it, and on degree of vigor, decisiveness and cohesion with which those nations defend in UNO the peaceful and hopeful concept of international life, which that organization represents to our way of thinking. I reiterate, Moscow has no abstract devotion to UNO ideals. Its attitude to that organization will remain essentially pragmatic and tactical. (d) Toward colonial areas and backward or dependent peoples, Soviet policy, even on official plane, will be directed toward weakening of power and influence and contacts of advanced Western nations, on theory that in so far as this policy is successful, there will be created a vacuum which will favor Communist-Soviet penetration. Soviet pressure for participation in trusteeship arrangements thus represents, in my opinion, a desire to be in a position to complicate and inhibit exertion of Western influence at such points rather than to provide major channel for exerting of Soviet power. Latter motive is not lacking, but for this Soviets prefer to rely on other channels than official trusteeship arrangements. Thus we may expect to find Soviets asking for admission everywhere to trusteeship or similar arrangements and using levers thus acquired to weaken Western influence among such peoples. (e) Russians will strive energetically to develop Soviet representation in, and official ties with, countries in which they sense Strong possibilities of opposition to Western centers of power. This applies to such widely separated points as Germany, Argentina, Middle Eastern countries, etc. (f) In international economic matters, Soviet policy will really be dominated by pursuit of autarchy for Soviet Union and Soviet-dominated adjacent areas taken together. That, however, will be underlying policy. As far as official line is concerned, position is not yet clear. Soviet Government has shown strange reticence since termination hostilities on subject foreign trade. If large scale long term credits should be forthcoming, I believe Soviet Government may eventually again do lip service, as it did in 1930's to desirability of building up international economic exchanges in general. Otherwise I think it possible Soviet foreign trade may be restricted largely to Soviet's own security sphere, including occupied areas in Germany, and that a cold official shoulder may be turned to principle of general economic collaboration among nations. (g) With respect to cultural collaboration, lip service will likewise be rendered to desirability of deepening cultural contacts between peoples, but this will not in practice be interpreted in any way which could weaken security position of Soviet peoples. Actual manifestations of Soviet policy in this respect will be restricted to arid channels of closely shepherded official visits and functions, with superabundance of vodka and speeches and dearth of permanent effects. (h) Beyond this, Soviet official relations will take what might be called "correct" course with individual foreign governments, with great stress being laid on prestige of Soviet Union and its representatives and with punctilious attention to protocol as distinct from good manners. Part 4: Following May Be Said as to What We May Expect by Way of Implementation of Basic Soviet Policies on Unofficial, or Subterranean Plane, i.e. on Plane for Which Soviet Government Accepts no Responsibility      Agencies utilized for promulgation of policies on this plane are following: 1. Inner central core of Communist Parties in other countries. While many of persons who compose this category may also appear and act in unrelated public capacities, they are in reality working closely together as an underground operating directorate of world communism, a concealed Comintern tightly coordinated and directed by Moscow. It is important to remember that this inner core is actually working on underground lines, despite legality of parties with which it is associated. 2. Rank and file of Communist Parties. Note distinction is drawn between those and persons defined in paragraph 1. This distinction has become much sharper in recent years. Whereas formerly foreign Communist Parties represented a curious (and from Moscow's standpoint often inconvenient) mixture of conspiracy and legitimate activity, now the conspiratorial element has been neatly concentrated in inner circle and ordered underground, while rank and file--no longer even taken into confidence about realities of movement--are thrust forward as bona fide internal partisans of certain political tendencies within their respective countries, genuinely innocent of conspiratorial connection with foreign states. Only in certain countries where communists are numerically strong do they now regularly appear and act as a body. As a rule they are used to penetrate, and to influence or dominate, as case may be, other organizations less likely to be suspected of being tools of Soviet Government, with a view to accomplishing their purposes through [apparent omission] organizations, rather than by direct action as a separate political party. 3. A wide variety of national associations or bodies which can be dominated or influenced by such penetration. These include: labor unions, youth leagues, women's organizations, racial societies, religious societies, social organizations, cultural groups, liberal magazines, publishing houses, etc. 4. International organizations which can be similarly penetrated through influence over various national components. Labor, youth and women's organizations are prominent among them. Particular, almost vital importance is attached in this connection to international labor movement. In this, Moscow sees possibility of sidetracking western governments in world affairs and building up international lobby capable of compelling governments to take actions favorable to Soviet interests in various countries and of paralyzing actions disagreeable to USSR 5. Russian Orthodox Church, with its foreign branches, and through it the Eastern Orthodox Church in general. 6. Pan-Slav movement and other movements (Azerbaijan, Armenian, Turcoman, etc.) based on racial groups within Soviet Union. 7. Governments or governing groups willing to lend themselves to Soviet purposes in one degree or another, such as present Bulgarian and Yugoslav Governments, North Persian regime, Chinese Communists, etc. Not only propaganda machines but actual policies of these regimes can be placed extensively at disposal of USSR It may be expected that component parts of this far-flung apparatus will be utilized in accordance with their individual suitability, as follows: (a) To undermine general political and strategic potential of major western powers. Efforts will be made in such countries to disrupt national self confidence, to hamstring measures of national defense, to increase social and industrial unrest, to stimulate all forms of disunity. All persons with grievances, whether economic or racial, will be urged to spelt redress not in mediation and compromise, but in defiant violent struggle for destruction of other elements of society. Here poor will be set against rich, black against white, young against old, newcomers against established residents, etc. (b) On unofficial plane particularly violent efforts will be made to weaken power and influence of Western Powers of [on] colonial backward, or dependent peoples. On this level, no holds will be barred. Mistakes and weaknesses of western colonial administration will be mercilessly exposed and exploited. Liberal opinion in Western countries will be mobilized to weaken colonial policies. Resentment among dependent peoples will be stimulated. And while latter are being encouraged to seek independence of Western Powers, Soviet dominated puppet political machines will be undergoing preparation to take over domestic power in respective colonial areas when independence is achieved. (c) Where individual governments stand in path of Soviet purposes pressure will be brought for their removal from office. This can happen where governments directly oppose Soviet foreign policy aims (Turkey, Iran), where they seal their territories off against Communist penetration (Switzerland, Portugal), or where they compete too strongly, like Labor Government in England, for moral domination among elements which it is important for Communists to dominate. (Sometimes, two of these elements are present in a single case. Then Communist opposition becomes particularly shrill and savage. [)] (d) In foreign countries Communists will, as a rule, work toward destruction of all forms of personal independence, economic, political or moral. Their system can handle only individuals who have been brought into complete dependence on higher power. Thus, persons who are financially independent--such as individual businessmen, estate owners, successful farmers, artisans and all those who exercise local leadership or have local prestige, such as popular local clergymen or political figures, are anathema. It is not by chance that even in USSR local officials are kept constantly on move from one job to another, to prevent their taking root. (e) Everything possible will be done to set major Western Powers against each other. Anti-British talk will be plugged among Americans, anti-American talk among British. Continentals, including Germans, will be taught to abhor both Anglo-Saxon powers. Where suspicions exist, they will be fanned; where not, ignited. No effort will be spared to discredit and combat all efforts which threaten to lead to any sort of unity or cohesion among other [apparent omission] from which Russia might be excluded. Thus, all forms of international organization not amenable to Communist penetration and control, whether it be the Catholic [apparent omission] international economic concerns, or the international fraternity of royalty and aristocracy, must expect to find themselves under fire from many, and often [apparent omission]. (f) In general, all Soviet efforts on unofficial international plane will be negative and destructive in character, designed to tear down sources of strength beyond reach of Soviet control. This is only in line with basic Soviet instinct that there can be no compromise with rival power and that constructive work can start only when Communist power is doming But behind all this will be applied insistent, unceasing pressure for penetration and command of key positions in administration and especially in police apparatus of foreign countries. The Soviet regime is a police regime par excellence, reared in the dim half world of Tsarist police intrigue, accustomed to think primarily in terms of police power. This should never be lost sight of in ganging Soviet motives. Part 5: [Practical Deductions From Standpoint of US Policy] In summary, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent modus vivendi that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force has complete power of disposition over energies of one of world's greatest peoples and resources of world's richest national territory, and is borne along by deep and powerful currents of Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries, an apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by people whose experience and skill in underground methods are presumably without parallel in history. Finally, it is seemingly inaccessible to considerations of reality in its basic reactions. For it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly being tested and re-formed, but a grab bag from which individual items are selected arbitrarily and tendenciously to bolster an outlook already preconceived. This is admittedly not a pleasant picture. Problem of how to cope with this force in [is] undoubtedly greatest task our diplomacy has ever faced and probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of departure from which our political general staff work at present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in war, and if necessary, with no smaller outlay in planning effort. I cannot attempt to suggest all answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve--and that without recourse to any general military conflict.. And in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a more encouraging nature I should like to make: (1) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither schematic nor adventunstic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw--and usually does when strong resistance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige-engaging showdowns. (2) Gauged against Western World as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, their success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmness and vigor which Western World can muster. And this is factor which it is within our power to influence. (3) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, is not yet finally proven. It has yet to be demonstrated that it can survive supreme test of successive transfer of power from one individual or group to another. Lenin's death was first such transfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for 15 years. After Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, to series of additional strains which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here are convinced that never since termination of civil war have mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of Communist Party than they are today. In Russia, party has now become a great and--for the moment--highly successful apparatus of dictatorial administration, but it has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need not yet be regarded as assured. (4) All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really constructive program. For those reasons I think we may approach calmly and with good heart problem of how to deal with Russia. As to how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, following comments: (1) Our first step must be to apprehend, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with same courage, detachment, objectivity, and same determination not to be emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individual. (2) We must see that our public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot over-emphasize importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by Government, which is necessarily more experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by [ugliness?] of picture. I am convinced that there would be far less hysterical anti-Sovietism in our country today if realities of this situation were better understood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would reflect unfavorably on Russian-American relations. I feel that if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have courage to face, and sooner the better. But I cannot see what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on heels of tremendous demonstrations of our friendship for Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no investments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no citizens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. Our only stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and I am convinced we have better chance of realizing those hopes if our public is enlightened and if our dealings with Russians are placed entirely on realistic and matter-of-fact basis. (3) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue. This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meets Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve self-confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint communiqués. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will profit--Moscow cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies. (4) We must formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop political processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibilities. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will. (5) Finally we must have courage and self-confidence to cling to our own methods and conceptions of human society. After Al, the greatest danger that can befall us in coping with this problem of Soviet communism, is that we shall allow ourselves to become like those with whom we are coping. KENNAN 800.00B International Red Day/2 - 2546: Airgram Source: https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/coldwar/documents/episode-1/kennan.htm

Bush's Statement on the Dissolution of the USSR

HIS MAJESTY's Most gracious SPEECH To both Houses of PARLIAMENT, On FRIDAY October 27, 1775.                        LONDON, October 28.                 YESTERDAY about noon his Majesty went from the Queen's Palace to St. James's, attended only by two footmen behind his coach. About ten minutes before two his Majesty got into the state coach, attended by the Duke of Ancanster and Lord Bruce, and proceeded to the House of Peers, where being seated on the Throne and a message having been sent to the Commons, requiring their attendance, his Majesty opened the present session of Parliament with the following Speech:         “ My Lords, and Gentlemen,                “THE present situation of America, and my constant desire to have your advice, concurrence, and assistance on every important occasion, have determined me to call you thus early together.         “Those who have long too successfully laboured to inflame my people in America by gross misrepresentations, and to infuse into their minds a system of opinions repugnant to the true constitution of the colonies, and to their subordinate relation to Great-Britain, now openly avow their revolt, hostility, and rebellion. They have raised troops, and are collecting a naval force; they have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbitrary manner, over the persons and properties of their fellow subjects. And although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequence of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence till a sufficient force shall appear to support them.         “The authors and promoters of this desperate conspiracy have, in the conduct of it, derived great advantage from the difference of our intentions and theirs. They meant only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment to the Parent State, and the strongest protestations of loyalty to me, whilst they were preparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it was declared in your last session that a rebellion existed within the province of the Massachusetts Bay; yet even that province we wished rather to reclaim than to subdue. The resolutions of Parliament breathed a spirit of moderation and forbearance; conciliatory propositions accompanied the measures taken to enforce authority; and the coercive acts were adapted to cases of criminal combinations amongst subjects not then in arms. I have acted with the same temper; anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of my subjects; and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war; still hoping that my people in America would have discerned the traiterous views of their leaders, and have been convinced, that to be a subject of Great Britain, with all its consequences, is to be the freest member of any civil society in the known world.         “The rebellious war now levied is become more general, and is manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. I need not dwell upon the fatal effects of the success of such a plan. The object is too important, the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources with which God hath blessed her too numerous, to give up so many Colonies which she has planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at much expence of blood and treasure.         “It is now become the part of wisdom, and (in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions, For this purpose, I have increased my naval establishment, and greatly augmented my land forces; but in such a manner as may be the least burthensome to my kingdoms.         “I have also the satisfaction to inform you, that I have received the most friendly offers of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence thereof, they shall be laid before you. And I have, in testimony of my affection for my people, who can have no cause in which I am not equally interested, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port Mahon a part of my Electoral troops, in order that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom may be applied to the maintenance of its authority; and the national militia, planned and regulated with equal regard to the rights, safety, and protection of my crown and people, may give a farther extent and activity to our military operations.         “When the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy ! and in order to prevent the inconveniencies which may arise from the great distance of their situation, and to remove as soon as possible the calamities which they suffer, I shall give authority to certain persons upon the spot to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner, and to such persons as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance. It may be also proper to authorise the persons so commissioned to restore such Province or Colony, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such Province or Colony had never revolted.         “ Gentlemen of the House of Commons,                “I have ordered the proper estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you; and I rely on your affection to me, and your resolution to maintain the just rights of this country, for such supplies as the present circumstances of our affairs require. Among the many unavoidable ill consequences of this rebellion, none affects me more sensibly than the extra-ordinary burthen which it must create to my faithful subjects.         “ My Lords, and Gentlemen,                “I have fully opened to you my views and intentions. The constant employment of my thoughts, and the most earnest wishes of my heart, tend wholly to the safety and happiness of all my people, and to the re-establishment of order and tranquillity through the several parts of my dominions, in a close connection and constitutional dependance. You see the tendency of the present disorders, and I have stated to you the measures which I mean to pursue for suppressing them. Whatever remains to be done, that may farther contribute to this end, I commit to your wisdom. And I am happy to add, that, as well from the assurances I have received, as from the general appearance of affairs in Europe, I see no probability that the measures which you may adopt will be interrupted by disputes with any foreign power.” Source: https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.10803800/?st=text&r=0.009,-0.068,1.253,1.361,0

Bush Jr.'s Announces the Start of the Iraq War

Gen. Schwarzkopf's "Mother of All News Conferences"

Bush Sr.'s Victory Speech

CHAP. C X X X I. — An Act revising and amending the Laws relative to the Mints, Assay- offices, and Coinage o f the United States. B e it enacted by the Senate and Home o f Representatives o f the United States o f America in Congress assembled, That the mint o f the United States is hereby established as a bureau o f the Treasury Department, embracing in its- organization and under its control all mints for the manufacture o f coin, and all assay-offices for the stamping o f bars, which are now, or which may be hereafter, authorized by law. The chief officer o f the said bureau shall be denominated the director o f the mint, and shall be under the general direction of the Secretary o f the Treasury. He shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent o f the Senate, and shall hold his office for the term o f five years, unless sooner removed by the President, upon reasons to be communicated by him to the Senate. Sec. 2. That the director o f the mint shall have the general super vision of all mints and assay-offices, and shall make an annual report to the Secretary o f the Treasury of their operations, at the close of each fiscal year, and from time to time such additional reports, setting forth the operations and condition o f such institutions, as the Secretary o f the Treasury shall require, and shall lay before him the annual estimates for their support. And the Secretary o f the Treasury shall appoint the number of clerks, classified according to law, necessary to discharge the duties o f said bureau. Sec. 3. That the officers o f each mint shall be a superintendent, an assayer, a melter and refiner, and a coiner, and for the mint at Philadelphia, an engraver, all to be appointed by the President o f the United States, by'and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Sec. 4. That the superintendent o f each mint shall have the control thereof, the superintendence of the officers and persons employed therein, and the supervision o f the business thereof, subject to the approval o f the director of the mint, to whom he shall make reports at such times and according to such forms as the director o f the mint may prescribe, which shall exhibit, in detail, and under appropriate heads, the deposits of bullion, the amount o f gold, silver, and minor coinage, and the amount of un parted, standard, and refined bars issued, and such other statistics and information as may be required. The superintendent o f each mint shall also receive and safely keep, until legally withdrawn, all moneys or bul lion which shall be for the use or the expenses o f the mint. He shall receive all bullion brought to the mint for assay or coinage; shall be the keeper o f all bullion or coin in the mint, except while the same is. legally in the hands o f other officers ; and shall deliver all coins struck at the mint to the persons to whom they shall be legally payable. From the report of the assayer and the weight o f the bullion, he shall compute the value of each deposit, and also the amount o f the charges or deductions, if any, o f all which he shall give a detailed memorandum to the depositor; and he shall also give at the same time, under his hand, a certificate of the net amount of the deposit, to be paid in coins or bars o f the same-species o f bullion as that deposited, the correctness o f which certificate shall be verified by the assayer, who shall countersign the same; and in all cases o f transfer o f coin or bullion, he shall give and receive vouchers, stating the amount and character o f such coin or bullion, lie shall keep and render, quarter-yearly, to the director of the mint, for the purpose o f adjustment, according to such forms as may be prescribed by the Secretary o f the Treasury, regular and faithful accounts of his transactions with the other officers of the mint and the depositors; and shall also render to him a monthly statement of the ordinary expenses of the mint or assay-office under his charge. He shall also appoint all assistants, clerks, (one o f whom shall be designated “ chief clerk,” ) and workmen employed under his superintendence; but no person shall be appointed to employment in the offices o f the assayer, melter and refiner, coiner, or engraver, except on the recommendation and nomination in &*ces of assa>rer' writing of those officers, respectively; and he shall forthwith report to Appointments the director of the mint the names o f all persons appointed by him, the jyrectorP and a 10 duties to be performed, the rate of feompensation, the appropriation from proveOyViruT which compensation is to be made, and the grounds o f the appointment; and if the director of the mint shall disapprove the same, the appointment shall be vacated. Sec . 5 . That the assayer shall assay al metals and bullion, whenever Assayer’s du- such assays are required in the operations of the m int; he shall also ties, make assays o f coins or samples of bullion whenever required by the super intendent. Sec. 6. That the melter and refiner shall execute all the operations Melter and which are necessary in order to form ingots o f standard silver or gold, refiner, and alloys for minor coinage, suitable for the coiner, from the metals legally delivered to him for that purpose; and shall also execute all the operations which are necessary in order to form bars conformable in all respects to the law, from the gold and silver bullion delivered to him for that purpose. He shall keep a careful record of all transactions with the superintendent, noting the weight and character o f the bullion; and shall be responsible for all bullion delivered to him until the same is returned to the superintendent and the proper vouchers obtained. Sec. 7. That the coiner shall execute all the operations which are Coiner, necessary in order to form coins, conformable in all respects to the law, from the standard gold and silver ingots, and alloys for minor coinage, legally delivered to him for that purpose; and shall be responsible for all bullion delivered to him, until the same is returned to the superintendent and the proper vouchers obtained. Sec. 8. That the engraver shall prepare from the original dies already Engravei. authorized all the working-dies required for use in the coinage of the sev eral mints, and, when new coins or devices are authorized, shall, if required New coins or by the director o f the mint, prepare the devices, models, moulds, and devlces- matrices, or original dies, for the same; but the director o f the mint shall nevertheless have power, with the approval of the Secretary o f the Treasury, to engage temporarily for this purpose the services o f one or more artists distinguished in their respective departments of art, who shall be paid for such service from the contingent appropriation for the mint at Philadelphia. Sec. 9. That whenever any officer o f a mint or assay-office shall be If any officer a temporarily absent, on account o f sickness or any other cause, it shall be abseuti &c,s lawful for the superintendent, with the consent of said officer, to appoint some person attached to the mint to act in the place o f such officer during his absence ; but all such appointments shall be forthwith reported to the director of the mint for his approval; and in all cases whatsoever the principal shall be responsible for the acts of his representative. In case superintend- o f the temporary absence of the superintendent, the chief clerk shall act enti in his place ; and in case of the temporary absence o f the director o f the director, mint, the Secretary o f the Treasury may designate some one to act in his place. Sec . 10. That every officer, assistant, and clerk o f the mint shall, be- Oathofoffi- fore he enters upon the execution o f his office take an oath or affirmation before some judge o f the United States, or judge of the superior court, or pioyees. o f some court o f record of any State, faithfully and diligently to perform the duties thereof, in addition to other official oaths prescribed by la w ; which oaths, duly certified, shall be transmitted to the Secretary o f the Treasury ; and the superintendent o f each mint may require such oath or affirmation from any o f the employees o f the mint. Sec. 11. That the superintendent, the assayer, the melter and refiner, Bond of miper- and the coiner o f each mint, before entering upon the execution o f their respective offices, shall become bound to the United States, with one or more sureties, approved by the Secretary of’ the Treasury, in the sum of not less than ten nor more than fifty thousand dollars, with condition for the faithful, and diligent performance o f the duties o f his office. Similar bonds may be required o f the assistants and clerks, in such sums as the superintendent shall determine, with the approbation o f the director of the m int; but the same shall not be construed to relieve the superin tendent or other officers from liability to the United States for acts, omis sions, or negligence o f their subordinates or employees: Provided, That the Secretary o f the Treasury, may, at his discretion, increase the bonds o f the superintendent. Sec. 12. That there shall be allowed to the director of the mint an annual salary o f four thousand five hundred dollars, and actual necessary travelling expenses in visiting the different mints and assay-offices, for which vouchers shall be rendered, to the superintendents o f the mints at Philadelphia and San Francisco, each four thousand five hundred dollars ; to the assayers, meltera and refiners, and coiners o f said mints, each three thousand dollars; to the engraver o f the mint at Philadelphia, three thousand dollars; to the superintendent of the mint at Carson city, three thousand dollars; and to the assayer, to the melter and refiner, and to the coiner o f the mint at Carson city, each, two thousand five hundred dollars; to the assistants and clerks such annual salary shall be allowed as the director o f the mint may determine, with the approbation of the Secretary o f the Treasury; and to the workmen shall be allowed such wages, to be determined by the superintendent, as may be customary and reasonable according to their respective stations and occupations, and approved by the director o f the m int; and the salaries provided for in this section, and the wages of the workmen permanently engaged, shall be payable in monthly instalments. Sec . 13. That the standard for both gold and silver coins o f the United States shall be such that o f one thousand parts by weight nine hundred shall be of pure metal and one hundred o f a llo y ; and the alloy o f the silver coins shall be o f copper, and the alloy of the gold coins shall be of copper, or of copper and silver; but the silver shall in no case exceed one-tenth o f the whole alloy. Sec . 14. That the gold coins o f the United States shall be a one-dollar piece, which, at the standard weight o f twenty-five and eight-tenths grains, shall be the unit o f value; a quarter-eagle, or two-and-a-half dollar piece; a three-dollar piece; a half-eagle, or five-dollar piece; an eagle, or ten- dollar piece; and a double eagle, or twenty-dollar piece. And the standard weight o f the gold dollar shall be twenty-five and eight-tenths grains ; o f the quarter-eagle, or two-and-a-half dollar piece, sixty-four and a half grains; o f the three-dollar piece, seventy-seven and four-tenths grains ; o f the half-eagle, or five-dollar piece, one hundred and twenty- nine grains; of the eagle, or ten-dollar piece, two hundred and fifty-eight grains; o f the double-eagle, or twenty-dollar piece, five hundred and sixteen grains; which coins shall be a legal tender in all payments at their nominal value when not below the standard weight and limit of tolerance provided in this act for the single piece, and, when reduced in weight, below said standard and tolerance, shall be a legal tender at valuation in proportion to their actual weight; and any gold coin of the United States, if reduced in weight by natural abrasion not more than one-half of one per centum below the standard weight prescribed by law, after a circulation o f twenty years, as shown by its date o f coinage, and at a ratable proportion for any period less than twenty years, shall be received at their nominal value by the United States treasury and its offices, under such regulations as the Secretary o f the Treasury may pre scribe for the protection of the government against fraudulent abrasion or other practices ; and any gold coins in the treasury o f the United States reduced in weight below this limit o f abrasion shall be recoined. Sec . 15. That the silver coins o f the United States shall be a trade- dollar, a half-dollar, or fifty-cent piece, a quarter-dollar, or twenty-five- cent piece, a dime, or ten-cent piece; and the weight o f the trade-dollar shall be four hundred and twenty grains troy; the weight o f the half- dollar shall be twelve grams (grammes) and one-half o f a gram, (gramme;) the quarter-dollar and the dime shall be respectively, one-half and on- fifth o f the weight o f said half-dollar; and said coins shall be a legal tender at their nominal value for any amount not exceeding five dollars in any one payment. Sec . 16. That the minor coins o f the United States shall be a five-cent piece, a three-cent piece, and a one-cent piece, and the alloy for the five and three cent pieces shall be o f copper and nickel, to be composed o f three-fourths copper and one-fourth nickel, and the alloy o f the one-cent piece shall be ninety-five per centum o f copper and five per centum o f tin and zinc, in such proportions as shall be determined by the director o f the mint. The weight o f the piece o f five cents shall be seventy-seven and sixteen-liuudredths grains, troy ; o f the three-cent piece, thirty grains ; and o f the one-cent piece, forty-eight grains; which coins shall be a legal tender, at their nominal value, for any amount not exceeding twenty-five cents in any one payment. Sec . 17. That no coins, either o f gold, silver, or minor coinage, shall hereafter be issued from the mint other than those o f the denominations, standards, and weights herein set forth. Sec . 18. That upon the coins o f the United States there shall be the following devices and legends: Upon one side there shall be an impres sion emblematic o f liberty, with an inscription o f the word “ Liberty ” and the year o f the coinage, and upon the reverse shall be the figure or representation o f an eagle, with the inscriptions “ United States o f Am erica• ” and “ E Pluribus Unuin,” and a designation o f the value of the coin ; but on the gold dollar and three-dollar piece, the dime, five, three, and one cent piece the figure o f the eagle shall be omitted; and on the reverse o f the silver trade-dollar, the weight and fineness of the coin shall be inscribed ; and the director o f the mint, with the approval o f the Secretary o f the Treasury, may cause the motto “ In God we trust ” to be inscribed upon such coins as shall admit o f such motto ; and any one o f the foregoing inscriptions may be on the rim o f the gold and silver coins. Sec . 19. That at the option o f the owner, gold or silver may be cast into bars of fine metal, or of standard fineness, or unparted, as he may prefer, with a stamp upon the same designating the weight and fineness, and with such devices impressed thereon as may be deemed expedient to prevent fraudulent imitation, and no such bars shall be issued o f a less weight than five ounces. Sec . 20. That any owner o f gold bullion may deposit the same at any mint, to be formed into coin or bars for his benefit; but it shall be lawful to refuse any deposit o f less value than one hundred dollars, or any bullion so base as to be unsuitable for the operations o f the m int; and when gold and silver are combined, if either metal be in such small proportion that it cannot be separated advantageously, no allowance shall be made to the depositor for its value. Sec . 21. That any owner of silver bullion may deposit the same at any mint, to be formed into bars, or into dollars of the weight o f four hundred and twenty grains, troy, designated in this act as trade-dollars, and no deposit o f silver for other coinage shall be received; but silver bullion contained in gold deposits, and separated therefrom, may be paid for in silver coin, at such valuation as may be, from time to time, established by the director of the mint. Sec . 22. That when bullion is deposited in any o f the mints, it shall be weighed by the superintendent, and, when practicable, in the presence o f the depositor, to whom a receipt shall be given, which shall state the description and weight o f the bullion ; but when the bullion is in such a state as to require melting, or the removal o f base metals, before its value can be ascertained, the weight, after such operation, shall be considered as the true weight o f the bullion deposited. The fitness o f the bullion to be received shall be determined by the assayer, and the mode of melting by the melter and refiner. Sec. 23. That from every parcel o f bullion deposited for coinage or bars, the superintendent shall deliver to the assayer a sufficient portion for the purpose o f being assayed, but all such bullion remaining from the operations o f the assay shall be returned to the superintendent by the assayer. Sec. 24. That the assayer shall report to the superintendent the quality or fineness o f the bullion assayed by him, and such information as will enable him to compute the amount o f the charges hereinafter provided for, to be made to the depositor. Sec. 25. That the charge for converting standard gold bullion into coin shall be one-fifth o f one per centum; and the charges for converting standard silver into trade-dollars, for melting and refining when bullion is below standard, for toughening when metals are contained in it which render it unfit for coinage, for copper used for alloy when the bullion is above standard, for separating the gold and silver when these metals exist together in the bulliou, and for the preparation o f bars, shall be fixed, from time to time, by the director, with the concurrence o f the Secretary of the Treasury, so as to equal but not exceed, in their judg ment, the actual average cost to each mint and assay-oifice o f the material, labor, wastage, and use o f machinery employed in each of the cases aforementioned. Sec . 26. That the assayer shall verify all calculations made by the superintendent o f the value o f deposits, and, if satisfied o f the correctness thereof, shall countersign the certificate required to be given by the super intendent to the depositor. Sec . 27. That in order to procure bullion for the silver coinage authorized by this act, the superintendents, with the approval of the director o f the mint, as to price, terms, and quantity, shall purchase such bullion with the bullion-fund. The gain arising from the coinage o f such silver bullion into coin o f a nominal value exceeding the cost thereof shall be credited to a special 'fund denominated the silver-profit fund. This fund shall be charged with the wastage incurred in the silver coinage, and with the expense o f distributing said coins as hereinafter provided. The balance to the credit o f this fund shall be from time to time, and at least twice a year, paid into the treasury o f the United States. Sec. 28. That silver coins other than the trade-dollar shall be paid out at the several mints, and at the assay-office in New York city, in exchange for gold coins at par, in sums not less than one hundred dollars ; and it shall be lawful, also, to transmit parcels o f the same, from time to time, to the assistant treasurers, depositaries, and other officers o f the United States, under general regulations proposed by the director o f the mint, and approved by the Secretary o f the Treasury; but nothing herein contained shall prevent the payment o f silver coins, at their nominal value, for silver parted from gold, as provided in this act, or for change less than one dollar in settlement for gold deposits : Provided, That, for two years after the passage of this act, silver coins shall be paid at the mint in Philadelphia and the assay-office in New York city for silver bullion purchased for coinage, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the director o f the mint, and approved by the Secretary o f the Treasury. Sec. 29. That for the purchase o f metal for the minor coinage authorized Purchase of by this act, a sum not exceeding fifty thousand dollars in lawful money o f metal . for the mi* the United States shall be transferred by the Secretary o f the Treasury to nor colnaSe > the credit o f the superintendent o f the mint at Philadelphia, at which to be carried on establishment only, until otherwise provided by law, such coinage shall be °"1 / at Ph!lallel- carried on. The superintendent, with the approval o f the director o f the p ia’ mint as to price, terms, and quantity, shall purchase the metal required for such coinage by public advertisement, and the lowest and best bid shall be accepted, the fineness o f the metals to be determined on the mint assay. The gain arising from the coinage of such metals into coin o f a Minor-coinage nominal value, exceeding the cost thereof, shall be credited to the special proflt fund' fund denominated the minor-coinage profit fund; and this fund shall be charged with the wastage incurred in such coinage, and with the cost o f distributing said coins as hereinafter provided. The balance remaining to Minor coins, the credit o f this fund, and any balance o f profits accrued from minor where deliver- coinage under former acts, shall be, from time to time, and at least twice a a e’ c’ ’ year, covered into the treasury o f the United States. Sec . 30. That the minor coins authorized by this, act may, at the dis- exchangeable cretion o f the director o f the mint, be delivered in any o f the principal for what; cities and towns o f the United States, at the cost o f the mint, for trans portation, and shall be exchangeable at par at the mint -in Philadelphia, at the discretion o f the superintendent, for any other coins o f copper, bronze, or copper-nickel heretofore authorized by law ; and it shall be lawful for the treasurer and the several assistant treasurers and depos itaries o f the United States to redeem, in lawful money, under such rules redeemable in as may be prescribed by the Secretary o f the Treasury, all copper, bronze, wllat suma- and copper-nickel coins authorized by law when presented in sums o f not less than twenty dollars ; and whenever, under this authority, these coins are presented for redemption in such quantity as to show the amount outstanding to be redundant, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized Sncb coinage and required to direct that such coinage shall cease until otherwise ordered 10 cease: wheu. by him. Sec . 31. That parcels o f bullion shall be, from time to time, trans- Melting and ferred by the superintendent to the melter and refiner; a careful record refining, o f these transfers, noting the weight and character o f the bullion, shall be kept, and vouchers shall be taken for the delivery o f the same, duly receipted by the melter and refiner, and the bullion thus placed in the hands o f the melter and refiner shall be subjected to the several processes Ingots for coin- which may be necessary to form it into ingots o f the legal standard, and aSe> o f a quality suitable for coinage. Sec. 32. That the ingots so prepared shall be assayed; and if they to be assayed prove to be within the limits allowed for deviation from the standard, the aml certificate assayer shall certify the fact to the superintendent, who shall thereupon glven’ receipt for the same, and transfer them to the coiner. Sec. 33. That no ingots shall be used for coinage which differ from _ not to be nsed, the legal standard more than the following proportions, namely: In gold f^| e^lff^ore ingots, one thousandth ; in silver ingots, three thousandths ; in minor- tilaa’ &0,’ coinage alloys, twenty-five thousandths, in the proportion o f nickel. Sec. 34. That the melter and refiner shall prepare all bars required Bars for pay- for the payment of deposits; but the fineness thereof shall be ascertained and stamped thereon by the assayer; and the melter and refiner shall &c. deliver such bars to the superintendent, who shall receipt for the same. Sec. 35. That the superintendent shall, from time to time, deliver to Ingots for com- the coiner ingots for the purpose o f coinage ; a careful record o f these ce 0in eerJ' transfers, noting the weight and character of the bullion, shall be kept, and vouchers shall be taken for the delivery o f the same, duly receipted by the coiner; and the ingots thus placed in the hands o f the coiner shall be subjected to the several processes necessary to make from them coins in all respects conformable to law. Sec. 36. That in adjusting the weights o f the gold coins, the following deviations shall not be exceeded in any single piece: In the double-eagle and the eagle, one-half o f a grain; in the half-eagle, the three-dollar picce, the quarter-eagle, and the one-dollar piece, one-fourth o f a grain. And in weighing a number o f pieces together, when delivered by the coiner to the superintendent, and by the superintendent to the depositor, the devia tion from the standard weight shall not exceed one-hundredth o f an ounce in five thousand dollars in double-eagles, eagles, half-eagles, or quarter- eagles, in one thousand three-dollar pieces, and in one thousand one-dol lar pieces. Sec. 37. That in adjusting the weight o f the silver coins the following deviations shall not be exceeded in any single piece': In the dollar, the half and quarter dollar, and in the dime, one and one-half grains; and in weighing large numbers of pieces together, when delivered by the coiner to the superintendent, and by the superintendent to the depositor, the de viations from the standard weight shall not exceed two-hundredths of an ounce in one thousand dollars, half-dollars, or quarter dollars, and one-hun dredth of an ounce in one thousand, dimes. Sec. 38. That in adjusting the weight o f the minor coins provided by this act, there shall be no'greater deviation allowed than three grains for the five-cent piece and two grains for the three and one cent pieces. Sec. 39. That the coiner shall, from time to time, as coins are prepared, deliver them to the superintendent, who shall receipt for the same, and who shall keep a careful record o f their kind, number, and actual weight; and in receiving coins it shall be the duty o f the superintendent to ascer tain, by the trial o f a number o f single pieces separately, whether the coins o f that delivery are within the legal limits o f the standard weight; and if his trials for this purpose shall not prove satisfactory, he shall cause all the coins of such delivery to be weighed separately, and such as are not o f legal weight shall be defaced and delivered to the melter and refiner as standard bullion, to be again formed into ingots and recoined; or the whole delivery may, if more convenient, be remelted. Sec. 40. That at every delivery o f coins made by the coiner to a super intendent, it shall be the duty o f such superintendent, in the presence o f the assayer, to take indiscriminately a certain number o f pieces o f each variety for the annual trial o f coins, the number for gold coins being not less than one piece for each one thousand pieces or any fractional part o f one thousand pieces delivered ; and for silver coins one piece for each two thousand pieces or any fractional part o f two thousand pieces delivered. The pieces so taken shall be carefully sealed up in an envelope, properly labelled, stating the date o f the delivery, the number and denomination o f the pieces inclosed, and the amount o f the delivery from which they were taken. These sealed parcels containing the reserved pieces shall be de posited in a pyx, designated for the purpose at each mint, which shall be kept under the joint care of the superintendent and assayer, and be so secured that neither can have access to its contents without the presence o f the other, and the reserved pieces in their sealed envelopes from the coinage o f each mint shall be transmitted quarterly to the mint at Phila delphia. A record shall also be kept at the same time o f the number and denomination o f the pieces so taken for the annual trial o f coins, and of the number and denomination o f the pieces represented by them and so delivered, a copy o f which record shall be transmitted quarterly to the director o f the mint. Other pieces may, at any time, be taken for such tests as the director o f the mint shall prescribe. Sec. 41. That the coiner shall, from time to time, deliver to the super intendent the clippings and other portions o f bullion remaining after the process o f coining; and the superintendent shall receipt for the same and keep a careful record o f their weight and character. Sec. 42. That the superintendent shall debit the coiner with the Coiner to be amount in weight o f standard metal o f all the bullion placed in his hands, charged with Sind credit him with the amount in weight o f all the coins, clippings, and ^edited?d10 other bullion returned by him to the superintendent. Once at least in Accounts of every year, and at such time as the director o f the mint shall appoint, coiner and melter there shall be an accurate and full settlement of the accounts o f the coiner, funv^ettied'at’8 and the melter and refiner, at which time the said officers shall deliver up least once in each to the superintendent all the coins, clippings, and other bullion in their year- possession, respectively, accompanied by statements o f all the bullion de livered to them since the last annual settlement, and all the bullion returned by them during the same period, including the amount returned for the purpose o f settlement. Sec. 43. That when all the coins, clippings, and other bullion have Superintendent been delivered to the superintendent, it shall be his duty to examine the t0 examine the accounts and statements rendered by the coiner and the melter and therainerami° refiner, and the difference between the amount charged and credited to melter and re- each officer shall be allowed as necessary wastage, if the superintendent amount shall be satisfied that there has been a bona-fide waste of the precious allowable as neo- metals, and if the amount shall not exceed, in the case o f the melter and essary wastage refiner, one thousandth o f the whole amount of gold, and one and one-half thousandth of the whole amount o f silver delivered to him since the last annual settlement, and in the case o f the coiner, one thousandth o f the whole amount o f silver, and one-half thousandth o f the whole amount o f gold that has been delivered to him by the superintendent; and all copper used in the alloy o f gold and silver bullion shall be separately charged to the melter and refiner, and accounted for by him. Sec. 44. That it shall also be the duty o f the superintendent to forward Balance-sheet a correct statement o f his balance-sheet, at the close o f such settlement, to th /d te c to r'o f the director of the mint, who shall compare the total amount o f gold and the mint silver bullion and coin on hand with the total liabilities o f the mint. A t Expense ac- the same time a statement o f the ordinary expense account, and the mon- count, eys therein, shall also be made by the superintendent. Sec. 45. That when the coins or bars which are the equivalent to any Payment of deposit o f bullion are ready for delivery, they shall be paid to the depos- c°ins or bars to itor, or his order, by the superintendent; and the payments shall be made, i f demanded, in the order in which the bullion shall have been brought to the m int; but in cases where there is delay in manipulating a refractory deposit, or for any other unavoidable cause, the payment of subsequent deposits, the value o f which is known, shall not be delayed thereby; and in the denominations o f coin delivered, the superintendent shall comply with the wishes o f the depositor, except when impracticable or inconven ient to do so. Sec. 46. That unparted bullion may be exchanged at any of the mints Unparted bul- for fine bars, on such terms and conditions as may be prescribed by the be ex' director o f the mint, with the approval of the Secretary o f the Treasury; c anfa'e ’ and the fineness, weight, and value o f the bullion received and given in exchange shall in all cases be determined by the mint assay. The charge Charge for to the depositor for refining or parting shall not exceed that allowed and PartmS* deducted for the same operation in the exchange o f unrefined for refined bullion. Sec. 47. That for the purpose o f enabling the mints and the assay- Secretary of the office in New York to make returns to depositors with as little delay as Jtre&“r^^L e®5 possible, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to keep in bullion’ to make the said mints and assay-office, when the state o f the treasury will admit speedy returns to thereof, such an amount of public money, or bullion procured for the pur- i;o„°$ltor3 0 pose, as he shall judge convenient and necessary, out o f which those who bring bullion to the said mints and assay-office may be paid the value thereof, in coin or bars, as soon as practicable after the value has been ascertained ; and on payment thereof being made, the bullion so deposited shall become the property o f the United States; but the Secretary of the Treasury may at any time withdraw the fund, or any portion thereof. Sec. 48. That to secure a due conformity in the gold and silver coins to their respective standards of fineness and weight, the judge o f the dis trict court of the United States for the eastern district o f Pennsylvania, the comptroller o f the currency, the assayer o f the assay-office at New York, and such other persons as the President shall, from time to time, designate, shall meet as assay-commissioncrs, at the mint in Philadelphia, to examine and test, in the presence o f the director o f the mint, the line ness and weight o f the coins reserved by the several mints for this pur pose, on the second Wednesday in February, annually, and may continue their meetings by adjournment, if necessary; if a majority o f the commis sioners shall fail to attend at any time appointed for their meeting, the director o f the mint shall call a meeting of the commissioners at such other time as he may deem convenient; and if it shall appear by such examination and test that these coins do not differ from the standard fine ness and weight by a greater quantity than is allowed by law, the trial shall be considered and reported as satisfactory; but if any greater deviation from the legal standard or weight shall appear, this fact shall be certified to the President of the United States; and if, on a view of the circumstances o f the case, he shall so decide, the officer or officers implicated in the error shall be thenceforward disqualified from holding their respective offices. Sec. 49. That for the purpose o f securing a due conformity in weight o f the coins o f the United States to the provisions o f this act, the brass troy-pound weight procured by the minister o f the United States at Lon don, in the year eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, for the use o f the mint, and now in the custody o f the mint at Philadelphia, shall be the standard troy pound o f the mint o f the United States, conformably to which the coinage thereof shall be regulated. Sec. 50. That it shall be the duty o f the director o f the mint to procure for each mint and assay-office, to be kept safely thereat, a series o f stand ard weights corresponding to the aforesaid troy pound, consisting o f a one- pound weight and the requisite subdivisions and multiples thereof, from the hundredth part o f a grain to twenty-five pounds ; and the troy weights ordinarily employed in. the transactions o f such mints and assay-offices shall be regulated according to the above standards at'least once in every year, under the inspection o f the superintendent and assayer; and the accuracy of those used at the mint at Philadelphia shall be tested annually, in the presence o f the assay-commissioners, at the time o f the annual ex amination and test o f coins. Sec. 51. That the obverse working-dics at each mint shall, at the end o f each calendar year, be defaced and destroyed by the coiner in the pres ence o f the superintendent and assayer. Sec. 52. That dies o f a national character may be executed by the engraver, and national and other medals struck by the coiner o f the mint at Philadelphia, under such regulations as the superintendent, with the approval of the director o f the mint, may prescribe: Provided, That such work shall not interfere with the regular coinage operations, and that no private medal dies shall be prepared at said mint, or the machinery or apparatus thereof be used for that purpose. Sec. 53. That the moneys arising from all charges and deductions on and from gold and silver bullion and the manufacture o f medals, and from all other sources, except as hereinbefore provided, shall, from time to time, be covered into the treasury o f the United States, and no part of such deductions or medal charges, or profit on silver or minor coinage, shall be expended in salaries or wages ; but all expenditures of the mints and assay-offices, not herein otherwise provided for, shall be paid from Expenditures appropriations made by law on estimates furnished by the Secretary o f appropriation the Treasury. made) &0. ^ Sec. 54. That the officers o f the United States assay-office at New Officers o f as- Y ork shall be a superintendent, an assayer, and a melter and refiner, who say-office at No sv- shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent ap^^tment o f the Senate. The business o f said assay-office shall be in all respects Business of the similar to that o f the mints, except that bars only, and not coin, shall be assay-°ffice- manufactured therein; and no metals shall be purchased for minor coin age. All bullion intended by the depositor to be converted into coins of Bullion, the United States, and silver bullion purchased for coinage, when assayed, parted, and refined, and its net value certified, shall be transferred to the mint at Philadelphia, under such directions as shall be made by the Sec retary of the Treasury, at the expense of the contingent fund o f the mint, and shall be there coined, and the proceeds returned to the assay-office. And the Secretary o f the Treasury is hereby authorized to make the Adjustment of necessary arrangements for the adjustment o f the accounts upon such accounts, transfers between the respective offices. Sec. 55. That the duties o f the superintendent, assayer, and melter and Duties, &c., of refiner o f said office shall correspond to those o f superintendents, assayers, and melters and refiners o f mints; and all parts o f this act relating to say'-ofRce; mints and their officers, the duties and responsibilities of such officers, and others employed therein, the oath to be taken, and the bonds and sureties to be given by them, (as far as the same may be applicable,) shall extend to the assay-office at New York, and to its officers, assistants, clerks, work men, and others employed therein. Sec. 56. That there shall be allowed to the officers of the assay-office at New York city the following salaries per annum: To the superin tendent, four thousand five hundred dollars ; to the assayer, and to the melter and refiner, each, three thousand dollars; and the salaries o f assist ants and clerks, and wages to workmen, and their manner of appointment, shall be determined and regulated as herein directed in regard to mints. Sec. 57. That the business o f the branch-mint at Denver, while con ducted as an assay-office, and of the assay-office at Boise city, Idaho, and yer^Boise city6” all other assay-offices hereafter to be established, shall be confined to the and elsewhere, to receipt o f gold and silver bullion, for melting and assaying, to be returned t0 to depositors of the same, in bars, with the weight and fineness stamped thereon; and the officers o f assay-offices, when their services are neces sary, shall consist o f an assayer, who shall have charge thereof, and a melter, to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent o f the Senate; and the assayer may employ as many clerks, Officers of such workmen, and laborers, under the direction o f the director of the mint, as t)i|jjTSa rie s3?nd may be provided for by law. The salaries o f said officers shall not exceed ’ the sum of two thousand five hundred dollars to the assayer and melter, one thousand eight hundred dollars each to the clerks, and the workmen and laborers shall receive such wages as are customary, according to their respective stations and occupations. Sec. 58. That each officer and clerk to be appointed at such assay- their oath and offices, before entering upon the execution of his office, shall take an oath ^°jgg2 ch> 128 or affirmation before some judge o£ the United States, or of the supreme vol. xii. p. 002. ’ court, as prescribed by the act o f July second, eighteen hundred and sixty- two, and each become bound to the United States o f America, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction o f the director of the mint or o f one of the judges o f the supreme court o f the State or Territory in which the same may be located, and of the Secretary o f the Treasury, conditioned Assayera t0 u for the faithful performance o f the duties o f their offices; and the said disbursing assayers shall discharge the duties o f disbursing agents for the payment o f ageQts- the expenses o f their respective assay-offices ^EC' '^Ia* general direction o f the business o f assay-offices o f general direction the United States shall be under the control and regulation o f the director of the assay- o f the mint, subject to the approbation o f the Secretary o f the Treasury; offices, subject, an(j for that pUrp0ge it shall be the duty o f the said director to prescribe Regulations, such regulations and to require such returns, periodically and occasionally, returns, and and to establish such charges foy melting, parting, assaying, and stamping charges. bullion as shall appear to him to be necessary for the purpose of carrying into effect the intention o f this act. Provisions re- Sec. 60. That all the provisions o f this act for the regulation o f the Utmg to the mint m;nts 0f the United States, and for the government o f the officers and offices.^ ° aSSa' 5, persons employed therein, and for the punishment o f all offences connected with the mints or coinage of the United States, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be, in full force in relation to the assay-offices, as far as the same may be applicable thereto. Penalty for Sec. 61. That if any person or persons shall falsely make, forge, or &cn«fn*coin’or counterfei*;' or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counter- barsjln^theTimil- feited, or willingly aid or assist in falsely making, forging, or counterfeit- itude, & c.; ing, any coin or bars in resemblance or similitude o f the gold or silver coins or bars, which have been, or hereafter may be, coined or stamped at the mints and assay-offices o f the United States, or in resemblance or similitude o f any foreign gold or silver coin which by law is, or hereafter may be made, current in the United States, or are in actual use and circu lation as money within the United States, or shall pass, utter, publish, or or knowingly se^> or attempt to pass, utter, publish, or sell, or bring into the United having in posses- States from any foreign place, or have in his possession, any such false, Itc"1 such^couif’ forged’ or 00unterfeited coin or bars, knowing the same to be false, forged, terfeited, &c., or counterfeited, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of coin or bars; felony, and shall, on conviction thereof, be punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment and confinement at hard labor not exceeding ten years, according to the aggravation o f the offense, for counterfeit-' Sec. 62. That if, any person or persons shall falsely make, forge, or ing, &c., minor counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counter- inc;nsuch false^' feited,or willingly aid or assist in falsely making, forging, or counterfeiting, coin; any coin in the resemblance or similitude o f any o f the minor coinage which has been, or hereafter may be, coined at the mints o f the United States; or shall pass, utter, publish, or sell, or bring into the United States from any foreign place, or have in his possession any such false, forged, or counterfeited coin, with intent to defraud any body politic or cor poration, or any person or persons whatsoever, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty o f felony, and shall, on conviction thereof, be pun ished by fine not exceeding one thousand dollars and by imprisonment and confinement at hard labor not exceeding three years, for fraudulently Sec. 63. That if any person shall fraudulently, by auy art, way, or impairing- &c'i means whatsoever, deface, mutilate, impair, diminish, falsify, scale, or rent coins'erCUr" l'ghten g°ld or silver coins which have been, or which shall hereafter be, coined at the mints o f the United States, or any foreign gold or silver coins which are by law made current, or are in actual use and circulation as money within the United States, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not exceed ing two years, and fined not exceeding two thousand dollars, for fraudulently Sec. 64. That if any o f the gold or silver coins which shall be struck ^r siive?coin^of* or c0' nei^ at any ^e mints °f the United States shall be debased, or the United made worse as to the proportion o f fine gold or fine silver therein con states; tained ; or shall be o f less weight or value than the same ought to be, pursuant to the several acts relative thereto ; or if any o f the weights used or defacing at any o f the mints or assay-offices o f the United States shall be defaced, weights, &c. increased, or diminished through the fault or connivance o f any o f the officers or persons who shall be employed at the said mints or assay- offices, with a fraudulent intent; and if any o f the said officers or persons shall embezzle any o f the metals which shall at any time be committed to Penalty for their charge for the purpose o f being coined, or any of the coins which ^a ^o r " ! ^ • shall be struck or coined at the said mints, or any medals, coins, or other or medals, &c. ’ moneys o f said mints or assay-offices at any time committed to their charge, or o f which they may have assumed the charge, every such officer or person who shall commit any or either o f the said offenses shall be deemed guilty o f felony, and shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a term not less than one year nor more than ten years, and shall be fined in a sum not exceeding ten thousand dollars. Sec. 65. That this act shall take effect on the first day o f April, eigh- When act to teen hundred and seventy-three, when the offices o f the treasurer o f the talie effect- mints in Philadelphia, San Francisco, and New Orleans shall be vacated, urer at^&cvva- and the assistant treasurer at New York shall cease to perform the duties cated. o f treasurer o f the assay-office. The other officers and employees o f the Other officers, mints and assay-offices now appointed shall continue to hold their respec- & «■> to continue tive offices, they having first given the necessary bonds, until further glve bonds’ &c- appointments may be required, the director o f the mint at Philadelphia being styled and acting as superintendent thereof. The duties o f the Superintend- treasurers shall devolve as herein provided upon the superintendents, and ents t0 act a$ said treasurers shall act only as assistant treasurers o f the United States : ^Treasurers to P r o v id e d , That the salaries .heretofore paid to the treasurers o f the mints act only as assist- at Philadelphia, San Francisco, and New Orleans, acting as assistant treas- ant treasurers. urers, shall hereafter be paid to them as “ assistant treasurers of the United States,” and that the salary o f the assistant treasurer at New York shall Salaries not not be diminished by the vacation of his office as treasurer o f the assay- diminished, office. Sec. 66. That the different mints and assay-offices authorized by this Names of the act shall be known as “ the mint o f the United States at Philadelphia,” Afferent mints “ the mint o f the United States at San Francisco,” “ the mint o f the aa assay"° ces' United States at Carson,” “ the mint of the United States at Denver,” “ the United States assay-office at New York,” andthe United States assay-office at Boise city, Idaho,” “ the United States assay-office at Charlotte, North Carolina; ” and all unexpended appropriations hereto- Unexpended fore authorized by law for the use of the mint o f the United States at appropriations. Philadelphia, the branch-mint o f the United States in California, the branch-mint o f the United States at Denver, the United States assay- office in New York, the United States assay-office at Charlotte, North Caroiina, and the United States assay-office at Boise city, Idaho, are hereby authorized to be transferred for the account and use o f the institu tions established and located respectively at the places designated by this act. Sec. 67. That this act shall be known as the “ Coinage act o f eighteen This act to be hundred and seventy-three; ” and all other acts and parts o f acts per- ^01^, as coinaSe taining to the mints, assay-offices, and coinage o f the United States in- a ’ °' consistent with the provisions o f this act are hereby repealed: Provided, Other acts, &c., That this act shall not be construed to affect any act done, right ac- “ c^-. crued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, but every such right is feet, &c. hereby saved; and all suits and prosecutions for acts already done in violation of any former act or acts of Congress relating to the subjects embraced in this act may be begun or proceeded with in like manner as if this act had not been passed; and all penal clauses and provisions in existing laws relating to the subjects embraced in this act shall be deemed applicable thereto: A nd provided further, That so much o f the P??1 first section o f “ An act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses § i, 7 ’ c ' ’ o f the government for the year ending June thirty, eighteen hundred Vol. xvi. p. 296 and seventy-one, and for other purposes,” approved July fifteen, eighteen hundred and seventy, as provides that until after the completion and occupation o f the branch-mint building in San Francisco, it shall be law ful to exchange, at any mint or branch-mint o f the United States, urire-ined or imparted bullion, whenever, in the opinion o f the Secretary o f the Treasury, it can be done with advantage to the government, is hereby repealed. A p p r o v e d , February 12, 1873. Feb. 12, 1873. Source: https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/coinage-act-1873-1095?page=2